POST-INDUSTRIAL
SOCIETY
69
dance will put an end to ideology and what technocrats regard as
political irrationalism." Nor do writers such as Samuel Huntington,
who use the term post-industrial in a way that combines the usages of
Bell and Kahn." In
The Cultural Contradictions of Capitalism
Bell
ironically evidences fear bordering on panic that political
and cultural
irrationality, often taking ideological form, will not only continue to
exist in post-industrial society but may threaten its very existence.
What Is "Post-Industrial Society" All About?
Having loosely described post-industrial society and indicated its
historical origins in post-Marxist theorizing and in the ideology of the
end of ideology, we must now ask what the term really means. Bell,
unfortunately for our present purposes, does not share Hobbes' ad-
miration for Euclid, and it is difficult to pin down central propositions.
from which others flow in his various expositions of the concept:
7
On
Framework for Speculation on the Next Thirty-Three Years
(New York: Macmillan,
1967) esp. pages 25 and 186. Yet Bell contributes a preface in which he reiterates his own
definition (p. xxvii) but does not take issue with theirs. See also Kahn and B. Bruce-
Briggs,
Things to Come. Thinking About the 70's and 80's
(New York: Macmillan,
1972), esp. P. 220 and Kahn and Leon Martel,
The Next 200 Years
(New York: William
Morrow, 1976) P. 1. This notion of post-industrial society as one combining affluence
plus technological development is similar to those of Hancock cited above and that used
by Christopher Lasch, despite the pseudo-Marxist spin he gives it, in "Toward a Theory
of Post-Industrial Society," in M. Donald Hancock and Gideon Sjoberg (eds.),
Politics
in the Post-Welfare State. Responses to the New Individualism
(New York: Comumbia
University Press, 1972), Pp. 36-50. This usage has crept into the secondary literature as
well. See Edward C. Pytlik, Donald P. Lauda, and David L. Johnson,
Technology,
Change, and Society
(Worcester: Davis, 1978), Pp. 91-106.
15. Discussions of various forms of possible future political, religious, and cultural
irrationality abound in the many possible "scenarios" profferred in Kahn's works, see
especially
The Year 200 (op. cit.)
and
Things To Come (op. cit.).
16. "Post-Industrial Politics. How Benign...,"
op. cit.,
Pp. 187-188.
17. Thus in his rambling
The Coming,
Bell variously speaks of this new society as
having "five dimensions, or components" (P. 14), says that its significance consists in
four different features (P. 43), presents a table of its "structures and problems" using
eight "axial" principles (P. 119), discusses the role of science and technology as an
"underpinning" (P. 197), says it "is a knowledge society" (P. 212) yet tells us "the
business corporation remains, for the whole, the heart of the society" (P. 269), despite
the fact that "today ownership is simply a legal fiction" (P. 294), presents a table on
"stratification and power" with six elements (P. 359), later reduced to three variables
(base of power, mode of access, and social unit) (P. 361), and in the "Coda" of the
book presents still another elaborate scheme on "The societal Structure of Post-
Industrial Society," (P. 375). As one commentator has noted, "Professor Bell's com-
plex thought is sometimes difficult to master," Jonathan Gershuny,
After Industrial
Society. The Emerging Self-Service Economy
(Atlantic Highlands, N.J.: Humanities
Press, 1978), P. 158.
70
THE POLITICAL SCIENCE REVIEWER
some points he is quite clear, however: post-industrialism does not
constitute a factor (independent variable) from which other aspects of
society flow in a causal fashion from cause to effect. Indeed, Bell is
careful to argue, against Marx and much of the modern sociological
tradition, that societies (civilizations?) are not organic wholes and that
the political and cultural forms and characteristics of a society vary in-
dependently of its social form. Post-industrial society is a theory
"primarily" about the economic-social-technological aspect of socie-
ty." There can therefore be capitalist and socialist post-industrial
societies." (Capitalism and socialism in Bell's usage are apparently
thought of as political rather than social structures). Post-industrial
society is not logically equivalent to bourgeois society," despite a long
standing tendency of social historians to speak of bourgeois society
and industrial society almost interchangeably, despite later socialist
ventures into industrialization.
Bell's methodology turns on what he calls "axial" principles .
2
'
As
an analog, he offers Tocqueville's use of "equality" as a tool to ex-
plain early 19th century American society. Equality is not a causal fac-
tor like the introduction of the factory system, but it provides a basis
for explaining a variety of social phenomena. Leaving aside any ques-
tions about the validity of Tocqueville's observations, the concept of
axial principles presents certain problems. Equality—albeit a complex
and subtle concept, as even Aristotle knew and discussed at length—is
at least a single principle. It is relatively easy to visualize the metaphor
and to think of societies revolving around an axis of equality or
whatever, but how societies or other bodies can turn on more than one
axis at a time is difficult to conceive. Post-industrial society is
described by Bell in terms of many characteristics: how many, and
which, varies from work to work, and sometimes from page to page.
It is difficult to discover which, if any, are more important and how, if
at all, they are related to one another. For instance, is there really any
connection, necessary or otherwise, between an increasing number of
workers in "service" occupations, the importance of theoretical
knowledge, and universities replacing corporations as centers of
power?
18.Coming, op. cit.,
P. 13.
19.Ibid.,
P. 114. Also, "Both the United States and the Soviet Union could become
post-industrial societies,"
Cultural Contradictions, op. cit.,
P. 14.
20. Coming, op. cit.,
Pp. 12-13.
21.Ibid.,
P. 10.