68
The Wealth of Nations
their subsistence, is not the cause, but the effect, of the difference
in their wages; though, by a strange misapprehension, I have fre-
quently heard it represented as the cause. It is not because one
man keeps a coach, while his neighbour walks a-foot, that the one
is rich, and the other poor; but because the one is rich, he keeps a
coach, and because the other is poor, he walks a-foot.
During the course of the last century, taking one year with an-
other, grain was dearer in both parts of the united kingdom than
during that of the present. This is a matter of fact which cannot
now admit of any reasonable doubt; and the proof of it is, if pos-
sible, still more decisive with regard to Scotland than with regard
to England. It is in Scotland supported by the evidence of the
public fiars, annual valuations made upon oath, according to the
actual state of the markets, of all the different sorts of grain in
every different county of Scotland. If such direct proof could re-
quire any collateral evidence to confirm it, I would observe, that
this has likewise been the case in France, and probably in most
other parts of Europe. With regard to France, there is the clearest
proof. But though it is certain, that in both parts of the united
kingdom grain was somewhat dearer in the last century than in
the present, it is equally certain that labour was much cheaper. If
the labouring poor, therefore, could bring up their families then,
they must be much more at their ease now. In the last century, the
most usual day-wages of common labour through the greater part
of Scotland were sixpence in summer, and fivepence in winter.
Three shillings a-week, the same price, very nearly still continues
to be paid in some parts of the Highlands and Western islands.
Through the greater part of the Low country, the most usual wages
of common labour are now eight pence a-day; tenpence, some-
times a shilling, about Edinburgh, in the counties which border
upon England, probably on account of that neighbourhood, and
in a few other places where there has lately been a considerable rise
in the demand for labour, about Glasgow, Carron, Ayrshire, etc.
In England, the improvements of agriculture, manufactures, and
commerce, began much earlier than in Scotland. The demand for
labour, and consequently its price, must necessarily have increased
with those improvements. In the last century, accordingly, as well
as in the present, the wages of labour were higher in England than
in Scotland. They have risen, too, considerably since that time,
though, on account of the greater variety of wages paid there in
different places, it is more difficult to ascertain how much. In
1614, the pay of a foot soldier was the same as in the present
times, eightpence a-day. When it was first established, it would
naturally be regulated by the usual wages of common labourers,
the rank of people from which foot soldiers are commonly drawn.
Lord-chief-justice Hales, who wrote in the time of Charles II. com-
69
Adam Smith
putes the necessary expense of a labourer’s family, consisting of six
persons, the father and mother, two children able to do some-
thing, and two not able, at ten shillings a-week, or twenty-six
pounds a-year. If they cannot earn this by their labour, they must
make it up, he supposes, either by begging or stealing. He appears
to have enquired very carefully into this subject {See his scheme
for the maintenance of the poor, in Burn’s History of the Poor
Laws.}. In 1688, Mr Gregory King, whose skill in political arith-
metic is so much extolled by Dr Davenant, computed the ordi-
nary income of labourers and out-servants to be fifteen pounds a-
year to a family, which he supposed to consist, one with another,
of three and a half persons. His calculation, therefore, though dif-
ferent in appearance, corresponds very nearly at bottom with that
of Judge Hales. Both suppose the weekly expense of such families
to be about twenty-pence a-head. Both the pecuniary income and
expense of such families have increased considerably since that
time through the greater part of the kingdom, in some places more,
and in some less, though perhaps scarce anywhere so much as
some exaggerated accounts of the present wages of labour have
lately represented them to the public. The price of labour, it must
be observed, cannot be ascertained very accurately anywhere, dif-
ferent prices being often paid at the same place and for the same
sort of labour, not only according to the different abilities of the
workman, but according to the easiness or hardness of the mas-
ters. Where wages are not regulated by law, all that we can pretend
to determine is, what are the most usual; and experience seems to
shew that law can never regulate them properly, though it has
often pretended to do so.
The real recompence of labour, the real quantity of the neces-
saries and conveniencies of life which it can procure to the labourer,
has, during the course of the present century, increased perhaps in
a still greater proportion than its money price. Not only grain has
become somewhat cheaper, but many other things, from which
the industrious poor derive an agreeable and wholesome variety of
food, have become a great deal cheaper. Potatoes, for example, do
not at present, through the greater part of the kingdom, cost half
the price which they used to do thirty or forty years ago. The same
thing may be said of turnips, carrots, cabbages; things which were
formerly never raised but by the spade, but which are now com-
monly raised by the plough. All sort of garden stuff, too, has be-
come cheaper. The greater part of the apples, and even of the on-
ions, consumed in Great Britain, were, in the last century, im-
ported from Flanders. The great improvements in the coarser
manufactories of both linen and woollen cloth furnish the labourers
with cheaper and better clothing; and those in the manufactories
of the coarser metals, with cheaper and better instruments of trade,