Abalozi in the occurrence of intense misfortune or traumatic situations. The spirits
sometimes speak to the client in the form of a whistling voice that enters the roof of
the hut and the diviner interprets what the client does not understand (Walter, 2004).
More commonly, the spirit possesses the Abolozi’s body and speaks directly to the
client. When the spirit enters the body the isangoma’s voice changes as they become
the channel through which the ancestral spirit speaks. In each type of divination, the
isangoma communicates a message from the spirits and provides advice about what
should be done to resolve the conflict or disharmony that has taken place. In the event
of a certain kind of illness, the isangoma will send the individual to an herbalist, but
more commonly the isangoma is trained in such remedies and will directly prescribe
the herbs or medicines (Moodley, 2005). In the event of ill health or imbalance that
affects the whole community, the isangoma often suggest a specific ritual ceremony
to be held. Rituals primarily consist of eating, dancing, and rejoicing together and
the elements are said to unite or reconnect the people and the universe or spirits.
Community rituals uplift the African worldview aspect of interdependence because
the togetherness and unity that occurs during the ceremonies is what essentially
promotes good health.
Sources of Health and Illness
The traditional Zulu perception of good health is directly connected to a
harmonious relationship with the individual and nature, with emphasis on interpersonal
relationships. So health is a result of human-nature unity, collective responsibility,
and respect for the essence of spirit in all things (Moodley, 20005). Conversely, ill
health or disease is a result of disharmony or imbalance in these same elements. In
many cases, disharmony between an individual and nature/spirit or an individual
and another individual of a family or community results in feelings of anxiety,
frustration, confusion, isolation, or tenseness which in turn causes physical pain or
sickness (Moodley, 2005). As stated above, the Zulu people make no separation
between mental and physical treatment because in the state of ideal health body and
spirit are one. It must be noted, some diseases such as “measles, influenza, chicken
pox, diarrhea, [and] fever” are seen as normal (Moodley, 2005, p.64); nevertheless,
20 Imhotep Journal
all diseases are related to spiritual influences. For example, many of the conflicts
that take place within a community are attributed to neglecting an ancestor or God
(Adams, 1999). When the spirits feel they have been forgotten or Zulu traditions have
not been upheld, they will turn their back on the people. Although they inflict no
harm or evil, by turning their back on people the protection that was once provided
by the particular spirit or deity is annulled. Consequently, the community becomes
subject to many social or environmental misfortunes, such as violence, drought,
or decreasing health (Adams, 1999). This belief is demonstrated in the following
excerpt from a journal in which a similar situation occurs with the Zulu Goddess
Nomkhubulwane and the people in Impendle, located in south KwaZulu-Natal:
There is a widespread oral and printed agreement with the idea that
Nomkhubulwane turned away from her people when they adopted
Christianity and abandoned their rituals to her. In the 1960’s an
anthropologist, Axel-Ivar Berglund, found an old woman at Ceza who
claimed that the cause of the droughts was the fact that people had stopped
honoring Nomkhubulwane. She told Berglund, “I say to you, when also
those who honour her today no longer do this, then we shall all die because
of drought.”… On the day in December 1995 when I visited Ngoese’s home
village to help her begin the research on how to (re)create the rituals
to Nomkhubulwane, a neighboring home had been burn the night before
in political violence and was still smoking. A young man looking over
at the damage observed to me, “The violence goes on because we as
Africans have lost our identity and the respect for our ancestors and
Nomkhbulwane, and they have left us” (Adams, 1999, p.96).
The excerpt above not only shows how misfortune is directly connected to spirits
and happiness of the ancestors but it also significantly demonstrates how conflict can
develop between Zulu tradition and Western influences or ideas. Among some people
there is the belief that with the adoption of Christianity, the people had forgotten
and abandoned Nomkhubulwane and in turn this brought hardship upon the people.
However, Western religion is not the only practice that causes conflict or imposes an
idea upon the Zulu. Advocators of Western medicine often assume the superiority of
their medical ability and promote the notion that it will be beneficiary to places like
Zulu Traditional Healing 21
KwaZulu-Natal in establishing biomedical health. However, there are some advocates
that recognize Zulu traditional healing as a different way of thought rather than an
inferior one. For example, the book, The Sociology of Health and Healing explains
John Cassel’s efforts to integrate the new concepts of healing with the traditional
methods rather than imposing new concepts on the Zulu people (Stacey, 1988). The
situation still causes conflict because of contrasting explanations for illness. For
example, some Zulu people refused treatment for tuberculosis because the idea of
germs did not agree with their understanding that the illnesses were caused by the
maneuverings of an ill-wisher (Stacey, 1988). In another case a woman contracted
tuberculosis in her home, refused treatment, and returned to her parental home. In
the following years, eight members of the household became infected and four died.
When Cassel tried explaining to the father that his daughter had brought home the
disease from her marital home, the man was offended and refused treatment for all of
his family. Later Cassel discovers the father was offended because in the essence of
Zulu cosmology or structure of reality, Cassel was accusing his daughter of “having
the power to spread disease” which is a power that only sorcerers have (Stacey, 1988).
This situation shows how the differences between beliefs and guidelines of reality of
two groups of people can cause conflict, especially in matters of healing.
Conclusion
Zulu traditional healing is based on the idea that health is connected to
spiritual balance with nature and the community. Isangoma accept the role of restoring
this balance when disharmony or illness strikes. The training and initiation of an
Isangoma takes significant training in listening to the spirits and being able to serve as
a channel for communication between ancestral spirits and clients. Zulu healers have
to navigate conflicts that arise between western and traditional conceptualizations of
health and healing. From a Zulu perspective attaining health must be done through
preservation and practice of traditional Zulu rituals and constant connection with the
spirits. Considering this, it is critical to be sure that the integration of any western
healing practices does not bring about consequences that outweigh their benefits.
22 Imhotep Journal