36
affairs with those relating to Turkish interests.
25
As
Nicolae Iorga argued in his
classic study on the British-Romanian relations, ‘English interests in the
Principalities were purely economical’.
26
During this period, however, Britain
also became very interested in the treatment of Romanian Jews.
There was a considerable amount of disagreement over the issue of legal
sovereignty over Jews, and this is where the issue of the consular jurisdiction of
the Great Powers comes into the picture. The problem from the Romanian
national
point of view, on the eve of their independence, was that foreigners
were enjoying prerogatives that gave them a competitive edge over native
Romanians in commerce. This was a situation the Romanians were not happy to
tolerate. There was also the question of dual nationality and the problem of
determining which government actually held legal sovereignty over Jewish
newcomers in Romania. The Moldavians and Wallachians argued that they
held suzerainty over the Jews because of their continuing residence in
Moldavian and Wallachian territory. In the second
half of the nineteenth
century, the Jews argued that they were under the protection of the countries
from which they had arrived, especially since the Romanians refused to give
them citizenship rights. This was true: sometimes Jews continued indeed to be
under foreign protection and consular jurisdiction, and some of them newly
appealed for foreign protection. This happened not only by claiming, for
example, Austrian protection, if Austria was
the country of origin, but also by
registering with agents of countries like Britain and France.
27
The privileged status of foreigners in pre-independent Romania derived
from the arrangements between the Western Powers and the Ottoman Empire,
and was also a sign of the dependent position of the Danubian Principalities.
When foreign states acquired trading rights with the Ottoman dominions,
including the Danubian Principalities, they secured for their nationals special
rights to immunity from Turkish law. These rights were defined in a series of
‘capitulations’, which were signed by the Ottomans with several Powers mainly
in
the eighteenth century; although Great Britain had already signed them in
1675. As a result, foreign consuls were allowed to exert some sovereign rights.
Civil and criminal disputes involving foreign nationals were handled by their
respective consuls in accordance with the laws of their own countries, rather
than according to Turkish laws or the legislation of the Danubian Principalities.
Furthermore, a foreigner could not be expelled without the consent of his
consul.
28
Eventually, Romania chose to try to solve the problem of consular
jurisdiction by signing bilateral consular treaties with the Powers.
29
25
Funderburk 1982, 430; Marinescu 1983, 238-239.
26
Iorga 1931, 96. Iorga did not appreciate the British attitude over the Jewish question.
27
L. Cohen 1982, 198-199. For example, during the anti-Jewish trouble in 1867, many
Jews residing in Moldavia sought the protection
of the British consulate, but the
British representatives did not agree to take them under their wing. Henriques 1985,
237.
28
Kellogg 1995, 39; Riker 1931, 10-11.
29
Kellogg 1995, 40.
37
An example from 1868 shows that consular jurisdiction mattered and was
advantageous to Jews who were eligible for it: 30 Jews, who were Austrian
subjects, were injured when a synagogue was plundered in Galaţi. After some
negotiations, Romanians paid compensation to the Austrian consul for damages
to Austrian subjects. Several non-Austrian Jews who had been maltreated on
the same occasion were not protected by any country and were not given any
reimbursement.
30
2.2 The Treaty of Berlin
In 1877, when the war broke out between Russia and the Ottoman Empire,
Romania sided with the Russians and declared independence.
The Romanian
situation was one of the issues discussed at the Congress of Berlin in 1878. The
Congress promised to recognise Romanian independence on the condition that
Romania guaranteed equal rights to persons of all religious confessions. The
same principle applied to Serbia and Montenegro, but Romania was the only
country in which problems arose; still, it has to be remembered that the earlier
Serbian record on the treatment of Jews was not entirely clean either. The
intention of the Great Powers
31
was to decide the matter and to grant Romanian
citizenship to Jews, in order to avoid the kind of commotion that had repeatedly
occurred during the two previous decades.
32
The contribution
of West European Jews, in insisting that Jewish rights
should be included in the Treaty of Berlin, was significant.
33
In Britain, the
leaders of the Anglo-Jewry recognised the need for concerted diplomatic action.
The Conjoint Foreign Committee was therefore established by the Board of
Deputies of British Jews and the Anglo-Jewish Association.
34
Article 44 of the Berlin Treaty related to the Romanian Jewish question:
‘In Roumania the difference of religious creeds and confessions shall not be alleged
against any person as a ground for exclusion or incapacity in matters relating to the
enjoyment of civil and political rights, admission to public employments, functions,
and honours, or the exercise of the various professions and
industries in any locality
whatsoever.
The freedom and outward exercise of all forms of worship shall be assured to
all persons belonging to the Roumanian State, as well as to foreigners, and no
hindrance shall be offered either to the hierarchical organization of the different
communions, or to their relations with their spiritual chiefs.
30
Kellogg 1995, 52.
31
The Great Powers that were present in the Congress of Berlin were Great Britain,
France, Germany, Russia, Austria-Hungary, Italy and Turkey.
32
Welter 1989, 133.
33
For Jewish influence and the general aspects of the Jewish question at the Berlin
Congress, see Iancu 1987, 47-54 and Kohler & Wolf 1916, 40-52.
On the efforts of the
British Jews, see BDBJ 3121/C11A/1, Conjoint meetings, 6 June 1878, 22 July 1878
and 9 Sept. 1878. For an account of the activities of the German Jewry, see Gelber
1960.
34
Levene 1992, 5-6.