18
second, elimination of illeteracy. It is interesting
to note that Iran became an
urban
1
and literate
2
society on the eve of the Islamic Revolution. With
urbanization, individuals lose their traditional ethnic background and adapt
themselves to an environment in which they find new forms of social
interactions with a wider range of people. This process of integration does not
mean the adaptation to a new urban culture, but instead the reconstruction of
traditional culture within an urban environment.
3
It is particularly true in Iran
because of the Azerbaijani massive migrations towards the largest cities. In
Tehran, Azerbaijanis who account for half of the population of the city, have
their own neighborhoods, associations or mosques. However, in Iran,
urbanization is by no means equivalent to Persianisation. The second aspect
is the huge and successful effort of the Iranian State to make its population
literate. The very high literacy rate gives access to forms of modern culture
denied to non-Persian speakers as well as the ability to formulate ethnic
sentiments and ethnic-based social and political demands within a rational
speech. It contributed to ameliorate Azerbaijanis’ image of themselves, they
no longer tolerate to be mocked.
4
The contradictory effect of ethnic
integration was well noted by Louis L. Snyder, when he described national
modernization as a powerful means to centralize power, but also as a possible
desintegrating factor in a multicultural society.
5
Therefore, we may say that
modernization
has destroyed ethnic groups
as a traditional and powerful political actor on the Iranian scene
. However,
this does not mean the end of a multiethnic Iran as some claimed. Instead, it
is compulsory to reconsider the role played by ethnic groups in Iran who,
through restructured ethnic identities, have evolved into new social
movements, whose significance should increase over the coming years.
If we look at the Azerbaijanis, we can trace a revival of ethnic identity
back to the time of the Islamic Revolution: the creation of Varliq journal is
the best example of this. But, because of the war and the difficult socio-
1
It means more than 50% of the population lives in town.
2
It means more than 50% of the population is literate.
3
About the reconstruction of traditionnal culture within an urban environment, see William
Isaac Thomas and Florian Znaniecki,
The Polish Peasant in Europe and America, Dover
Publications, New York, 1958 and Martin Bulmer, The Chicago School of Sociology,
Chicago University Press, Chicago, 1984.
4
Brenda Shaffer, Borders and Brethren, Iran and the Challenge of Azerbaijani Identity,op.
cit., pp. 178-179.
5
Louis L. Snyder, Contemporary Nationalisms: Intensity and Persistence, Krieger, Malabar,
Flo, 1992, pp. 3-10.
19
economic conditions of the 80’s, this rebirth was delayed and began to take
hold around 1988-1989. At that time, many Azerbaijani intellectuals wanted
to rediscover their own culture and their own language by publishing
Azerbaijani language dictionaries, Azerbaijani grammar books and
ethnological studies about the way of life in Iranian Azerbaijan.
1
This cultural
renewal quickly led to the expression of ethnic-based political and social
demands regarding the status of the Azerbaijani language in Iran. By asking
for the right to broadcast or for an extension of the right to publish in the
Azerbaijani language, ethnic cultural activists invested in the political field.
To rally for support among Azerbaijanis, those intellectuals need to create or
recreate an ethnic identity that has integrated the tremendous changes faced
by the Iranian society with what Anthony D. Smith called a “set of myths and
symbols.”
2
This ethnic identity is different from the traditional one, it refers
to new elements gradually integrated in the Azerbaijani national history.
The Babak rally, that takes place every year in Kaleybar, is a very
interesting example of this phenomenon. Forty years ago, if an Azerbaijani
was asked what he was thinking of Babak, his answer would be a different
answer than today. At that time, Babak was not the specific hero of the
Azerbaijani national history, as he has become today. He is now the symbol
of Azerbaijanis’ struggle for revival of national identity. This kind of hero
serves as a focal point of comparison with the present, and with the
Signficant Other
3
, within the framework of an evolutionnary reconstruction
of ethnic history. This attempt to promote Azerbaijani identity contributes to
the affirmation of pluralism in Iran, a pluralism that is deeply rooted, though
slow in the unveiling of its political manifestation.
At an epistemological level, these evolutions lead us to consider
today’s ethnic movements, and particularly the Azerbaijani one, as an
example of the multiple social movements taking place in Iran. Social
movements are entities defined by their relations with the State. As entities
defined by their action, they become fluid in their ability to adopt and change
their ideology and strategy, in accordance with the nature of their relationship
with the State. Found within the cleavages that develop between shifting
State centers and peripheries, they are born of struggle and conflict and must,
therefore, be viewed in terms of their dynamic nature. This point leads us to
1
Scientific works about this renewed literary revival were recently carried out. Brenda
Shaffer,
Borders and Brethren, Iran and the Challenge of Azerbaijani Identity,op. cit., pp.
169-174 and Sonel Bosnali "Le patrimoine linguistique et littéraire des Azéris d'Iran",
thèse INALCO, 2003.
2
Anthony D. Smith, State and Nation in The Third World,, ST Martin’s Press, New York,
1983, p. 132.
3
Anthony D. Smith, The Ethnic Origins of Nations, Blackwell, Oxford, 1986, p. 200.