In the Land of Refuge

Chapter 15
Political Turmoil and Constitutional Revolt

[p. 501:1] As the demise of Qájár rule drew near, each day witnessed a new disturbance or commotion in the nation as a whole, and the occurrences of many incidents, especially in the province of Fárs. Every year brought a new cycle of upheaval, with each lasting some three to four months. The first step in instigating troubles was to encourage the vulgar and the mob elements to compose the most unseemly verses against this party [i.e., Bahá’ís] and to chant these in their street marches, giving vent to all manner of insults and slanders against this people. Rank upon rank of rogues, led first by the youths and followed by the adults, all carrying pistols, rifles, swords, and clubs, would shut the bazaar and congregate in the mosques and shrines demanding the dismissal of the governor. They would advance the charge, “The governor is a Bábí, and we refuse a Bábí governor!” Through the most horrific deeds, they would effect the dismissal of the governor [and other authorities]. And since the central government had grown particularly weak and ineffectual, it was unable to rule and prevent the mob from such disturbances.

Community Infiltration by Dervish ‘Alí

During this time, an insidious character by the name of Dervish ‘Alí became acquainted with some gullible Bahá’ís and expressed a deep desire to learn about the Faith. In response, some of the friends began to teach him, and for a while he associated with the believers working in the bazaar. Through these contacts he learned many Bahá’í expressions and teachings, including the identity of the early believers, the martyrs, and the Letters of the Living of the first Era, and knew the membership of the entire Bahá’í community of Shíráz, young and old alike.

Once he had collected sufficient intelligence, [he showed his true colors and] quietly began to whisper critically about the Faith. Certain non-Bahá’ís capitalized on the situation and, realizing that he was a useful instrument in their designs for turmoil, further encouraged him during periods of disturbance. This unprincipled man, however, worked both sides of the fence. That is, while he was aligned with the troublemakers, he continued his association with many Bahá’í shopkeepers of the bazaar who would secretly show him every consideration and pay him ransom in order for him not to divulge their identity publicly. This, as it turned out, only further incited him in his ways, and in fact he made it his business [to blackmail the friends].

Throughout the year, summer and winter alike, carrying a club, he would walk the streets each day: the mornings among the shops, the middays at the mosque and shrines, and the afternoons in the streets and marketplaces. Thus he would grossly insult and vilify the Cause. He would start by calling out the names of the Holy Figures in the most indecorous language, and add to it insults and abuse on the Letters of the Living and the martyrs of the Cause—all in the most unseemly language and fashion. He would continue in this manner crying out the names of contemporary Bahá’ís, and each name was accompanied by a most indecent characterization or designation. [For instance,] Áqá Mírzá Muhammad-Sádiq Khabbáz [baker] was called “‘Umar”; Áqá ‘Alí-Akbar Khádim was “the angel of death”; the Afnán was “Chihl-Chiráq” [forty-light]; this servant was “Imám Zaynu’l-‘Abidín”; Mírzá ‘Abdu’l-Husayn Thábit was “the Satan”; Mírzá Abú’l-Hasan Darvázih-Bán [the gatekeeper] was “the devil”; and with such labels he would identify these personages. The canaille and the ragtag elements would circle round this mongrel, pay him money, and provoke, encourage, and goad him in this contemptible behavior. In such wise he would publicly identify the friends.

For instance, he would come by the Sháh-Chiráq market and stand before [p. 505] the haberdasher shop of four exceptionally devoted, enkindled believers and abuse them by name, saying: “Upon the four candles of the Bábí society, Mírzá Abú’l-Hasan, Mírzá Muhammad-Ridá, Mírzá ‘Alí, and Mírzá Muhammad, be a hundred thousand curses every instant!” The rabble that circled round this unscrupulous villain would then join in, and they would in unison curse the believers.

He would then proceed a bit further and cry out, “Curses be upon the thrice ill-fated, Mashhadí Khusraw, Mashhadí Nazr, and Mashhadí Safir Kuláh-Mál Sarvistání in Gud-i ‘Arabán!”

The cloister [of the Shrine] of Siyyid Mír Ahmad Sháh-Chiráq witnessed considerable public traffic, where scores of people would congregate and where many believers had their shops and bread-winning stores. Dervish ‘Alí would amass an even larger gathering there and stand for two hours naming all the Bahá’ís one-by-one.

I especially recall that one day I was in the shop of the late Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim Sá‘at-Sáz [watch-repairer], where believers would gather most days and meet one another. That dreadful man entered the cloister through the bazaar gate and first named the blessed name and title of His Holiness the Exalted One [the Báb]. Then he named the Blessed Perfection with His titles. And afterwards, Mullá Husayn Bushrú’í, the Letters of the Living, the illustrious Quratu’l-‘Ayn [Táhirih], the martyrs of the Cause, until at the end he came to the believers of the present age, mentioning each [Bahá’í] haberdasher, hat-maker, including Hájí Muhammad-Husayn Bazzáz who was a merchant at that time. At that time, Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim said to me, “Be attentive as your turn will be soon.” Dervish ‘Alí then named my late father, the Afnán, by saying, “A hundred thousand curses be upon the forty-lights of the Bábís’ grand-priest, Hájí Mírzá Áqá Afnán, and his four offspring, Mírzá Jalál, Mírzá Buzurg, Mírzá Habíb, and Mírzá Díyá’, who live in the Shamshírgarhá Street and serve the Ka‘bih of the Bábís!”

In reality, his introduction of the believers in this way served to let the seekers know that these men could provide information on the Faith and could aid in investigating the truth.

For four years it was thus, and this scoundrel in collusion with other base and vulgar elements would constantly heap insults on the gentle friends. Several times, Habíbu’lláh Khán, the Qavámu’l-Mulk [III], who at that time discharged the offices of Kalántar and Biglar-Baykí of Shíráz, banished that perpetrator of wrong [Dervish ‘Alí] as a means of maintaining the city’s order, preventing public commotion, and protecting the believers from the barrage of insults. Being exiled from the city, he would however continue unhindered in the surrounding towns and villages, and soon would reappear in Shíráz. He also had taught his ill-reputed twelve-year-old son to behave in exactly the same way as he himself did in all the markets and streets.

At the appointed time though, the ocean of divine wrath billowed forth, and this man contracted heinous diseases, such as melancholy and black leprosy. With a thoroughly disfigured face and mouth, he lived homeless in the streets, and all would flee on seeing his diseased person. Even among the foes and the nonbelievers, he became an example of divine chastisement. In the utmost misery and anguish he left this nether world and was condemned to eternal condemnation. “Take heed, O men of understanding.” It was never known what happened to his ill-mannered son after Dervish ‘Alí’s death.

The Second Governorship of the Shu‘á‘u’s-Saltanih

As noted earlier, because of the perpetual turmoil and disturbances, none of the citizens, especially the Bahá’ís, had a moment’s peace. [p. 510] At nights, the roar of guns and rifles, and in daytime, the fury of the riffraff’s protests and uproar of the ragtag and thugs continued. Most shops and marketplaces were closed in fear of the rabble’s attacks and plunder. The ‘ulamá were growing weary of the situation and indeed even sensed personal threats. They repeatedly cabled [the authorities in] Tihrán and succeeded in wining the immediate dismissal of Mírzá Ahmad Khán, the ‘Alá’u’d-Dawlih. The latter left during the night, and affairs were placed in the hands of Muhammad-Ridá Khán, the Qavámu’l-Mulk [II]. With this news, tranquility returned to the city, and all the shops opened for business.

A second telegram [from Tihrán] in AH 1322 [1904] announced the appointment of the Prince Malik Mansúr Mírzá, the Shu‘á‘u’s-Saltanih, to the office of governor-general, and he installed Muhammad-Husayn Mírzá, the Mu’ayyadu’s-Saltanih,³¹⁵ as his deputy-governor and in charge of the city. The Prince arrived after one or two months, and for a year thereafter the city was calm and orderly; and no one breathed any discontent, all working harmoniously with one another and none uttering an insult against the Cause.

However, Muhammad-Ridá Khán, the Qavámu’l-Mulk, still harbored deep resentments from the governor’s first tenure, the support that the latter had received from the Shaykhu’r-Ra’ís, and the uproars that were triggered as result of the telegraph office incident. As such, he constantly sought an opportunity to instigate troubles leading to the governor’s demise and exit from the city. Secretly, he met with the ‘ulamá and created favorable conditions for the renewal of turmoil and agitation.

Public Disturbances

The first step was taken when Áqá Mírzá Ibráhím Mahallátí, one of the foremost ‘ulamá, stated in his seminary classes, “From what I have heard, the home of [Mullá] Mayvar, the Jew, has a taller wall than the home of the Muslims. This is against our religious law and is strictly forbidden. His wall must be torn down.” Since they had already assembled all the necessary provisions for a disturbance and altercation, upon this pronouncement, the rabble raised the cry of “Yá ‘Alí!” and “Haydar, haydar!” to the pinnacle of the heavens, and began to march in the streets and the bazaar. All the shops and the markets were shut. Led by wanton women and youngsters, the populace, thugs, and ruffians rushed to that Jewish home, and thoroughly destroyed it and plundered all its possessions. The governor tried to prevent further public disturbances, but it only fueled the fury. That very night, the opposition fortified all the strategic buildings and placed gunmen on the elevations.

When the governor learned that the people, provoked by the ‘ulamá, had arisen to perpetrate mischief and were about to attack the Jewish quarter and murder and plunder the inhabitants of that district,³¹⁶ he summoned Ja‘far-Qulí Khán,³¹⁷ the Amír-Panjih [Major General] of the Farydaní forces, and instructed him to protect the Jewish homes. Immediately, Ja‘far-Qulí Khán, the Mu‘azziamu’l-Mulk, arrayed his soldiers, assigned them to various posts in that quarter, and placed armed guards on the rooftops of the Jewish homes.

Led by the ‘ulamá, the mob congregated next morning in the Masjid Naw and Sháh-Chiráq, which were joined together. In unison, they raised the chant, “The Prince is Bábí, and his administration is entirely Bábí! We refuse a Bábí governor!” And in like manner, they began the most indecorous and degrading chants against the Faith and everything associated with this wronged party. The word Bábí and unseemly insults were the currency of the day. Climbing to the Masjid’s roof, they were crying a series of repulsive and abhorrent verses that actually made no sense whatsoever, yet each verse contained an insult to “the Bábí Prince.”

Soon, the congregation—akhúnds, siyyids, dervishes, thugs, and rabble alike—fervently raised the chant of “Bábí, Bábí!” and decided to rush forth and ransack the Jewish quarter, completely destroying the homes belonging to the Bahá’ís and to massacre every believer. The Masjid Naw was in close proximity to the Jewish district [p. 515], and the Blessed House of the Báb was situated between the two. In fact, all the rooftops from the Masjid to the Jewish quarter were contiguous, and in the process, one would need to use the roof of the Blessed House in order to gain access to the Jewish homes. This rendered the position of the Blessed House precariously dangerous.

The commotion in the Masjid continued for three days, and on the third day, when the throng of the ‘ulamá, merchants, shopkeepers, and the populace were assembled, the divines ordered the assault on the [Jewish] quarter and the murder of its inhabitants. The thugs and youngsters began to charge from the rooftops, and a large number took to the streets and rushed in that direction.

Ja‘far-Quli Khán, who was commissioned to protect and safeguard the Jewish neighborhood, had his troops positioned in the quarter. He and some of his men were resting and smoking water-pipes on the rooftop of the residence of Mullá Rabí‘, one of the Jewish merchants. From this vantage-point, he readily saw the mob advancing on the quarter with great haste. He took out of his pocket a copy of the Qur’án and handed it to his special attendant, Mírzá Husayn—one of the most devoted and enkindled Bahá’ís—with the instruction, “With great urgency, reach these ignorant people and tell them on my behalf, ‘I am tasked to safeguard this quarter, and I have sworn on these Words of God that I shall carry out my charge and repulse your assault. Therefore, halt your attack and do not cause difficulties for either of us.”

Mírzá Husayn quickly reached the Masjid and came before the distinguished ‘ulamá conveying the message of the Amír-Panjih only to see his warning completely ignored. Returning at once, Mírzá Husayn informed his commander of the determination of the ‘ulamá to proceed with their aggression, and in turn, Ja‘far-Qulí Khán, the Amír-Panjih, concluded that once the quarter came under an assault and pillage, then the Blessed House of the Báb would surely be destroyed as well. Therefore, as the throng of the ignorant mob left the Masjid over the rooftops, destined for the [Jewish] quarter, the Amír-Panjih ordered the trumpets sounded, summoned his men, distributed live ammunition to his soldiers, armed himself with a pistol, and stood ready for battle against the mob.

Meanwhile, a number of the friends had joined me in the Blessed House, and these included: Mírzá Lutfu’lláh, the Khádim-Báshí [the governor’s attendant]; Mírzá Muhammad-Sádiq Khabbáz [the baker]; Mírzá Shukru’lláh Jahrúmí; Mírzá ‘Alí-Muhammad Khán; and my brothers, Hájí Mírzá Buzurg and Hájí Mírzá Díyá’. One can well imagine the condition that we were in and the uncertainty that governed. Resigned to the Will of God and yearning for His confirmations, we were busy praying fervently and supplicating, and waiting to see what the Almighty had decreed for us.

By then, several of the malcontent and the rabble had reached the roof of the Blessed House, stoning everything below. They were ready to descend to the courtyard and enter the House when Ja‘far-Qulí Khán, the Amír-Panjih, who was nearby, learned of their position and ordered his men to open fire. The Mu‘azzamu’l-Mulk himself also fired a number of rounds. Altogether several of the young demonstrators were shot and fell from the rooftop into the street, thereby ending their sullied lives and thus being prevented from perpetrating any more harm in their ill-fated lives. When the remaining agitators saw that they were confronted with a potent force and some of their numbers were already shot dead, they retreated forthwith to their position within the Masjid.³¹⁸

Departure of Shaykhu’r-Ra’ís from Shíráz

For three solid months the bazaar, the customs office, and all the shops and emporiums were shut while a number of the governor’s supporters arrayed themselves in the telegraph office. At the same time, a large multitude took to the Masjid [Naw] and Sháh-Chiráq and ferociously would chant, “The governor is Bábí; we refuse a Bábí governor!” During the day, the noise of clamors, insults, and invectives filled the air, and at night-season the roar of gunfire and a barrage of bullets kept everyone frightened to their core.

Eventually, after three months, a telegram was received from Tihrán, dismissing Prince Shu‘á‘u’s-Saltanih from office [p. 520] and summoning him to the capital. The central authorities in Tihrán asked that until the appointment of a new governor, Habíbu’lláh Khán Bíglar-Baykí, the eldest son of Muhammad-Ridá Khán, the Qavámu’l-Mulk [II], establish order.

With the Prince’s departure, the marketplaces and shops opened, but because of the killings and a determination to avenge these deaths, an entrenched animosity between Muslims and Jews remained.

The Tenure of ‘Alá’u’d-Dawlih

Habíbu’lláh Khán ruled the city for three months. During this period, because of the general and persistent disorder that had enveloped the region, none would accept the provincial governorship. Eventually, Mírzá Ahmad Khán, the ‘Alá’u’d-Dawlih, accepted this post for yet another term of office. With a large contingent of soldiers and artillery, he arrived in Shíráz on Sha‘bán AH 1323 [October 1905].³¹⁹

Since during his first term the ‘Alá’u’d-Dawlih had shown much audacity and had firmly withstood the rabble and the instigators of the revolution, once again he adopted the same approach. He showed no consideration to anyone, least of all the ‘ulamá. He had well understood that during every turmoil and disturbance the ‘ulamá were the fount of waywardness and the begetters of mischief and trouble, and that it was they who constantly strove to raise the banner of discontent and malice, and who provided leadership in this regard. Therefore, under no circumstances would he accept their recommendations or interventions and both in their presence and in their absence would speak most contemptuously of them. Through various means, he endeavored to reduce the ecclesiastics’ influence in people’s eyes.

For instance, he ordered a band to play music by the old Maydán Túpkhánih, which currently is known as the Pahlaví Circle or Bágh Millí [the National Garden]. Several cafés and teahouses were established in that place, and the concourse of citizens were encouraged to frequent the area, partake of the festivities, and make merry. He himself would walk among them in civilian garb and observe their behavior and disposition. Whenever anyone offended another or behaved iniquitously, that person was summarily arrested and dealt with accordingly.

On one occasion, I was present in the Maydán when an akhúnd representing Mírzá Ibráhím Mahallátí came before the illustrious governor [the ‘Alá’u’d-Dawlih]. He stated, “Áqá Hujjatu’l-Islám has asked me to convey, ‘Since a number of worshipers and I are engaged in offering our obligatory prayers in the [nearby] Masjid Vakíl, the sound of music disturbs our concentration. It would be good if you could order the music stopped during the intervals when the worshipers are praying.’” Upon hearing this comment, the governor pulled the akhúnd forward and slapped him hard, saying, “To hell with Áqá for making this request! You go tell that akhúnd, ‘You keep busy with your duty, and do not interfere with the affairs of the state and the authorities. You say your prayers, and we play our music!’” He added to this several of his choicest curses and sent those as a gift for the Áqá! He then ordered two more bands to join on the opposite sides of the Maydán and to play music as loud as they could!

In short, for a year and a half, he ruled very effectively and prevented the ill-intentioned mischief-makers from instigating trouble. However, since the Qájár’s reign was coming to an end and from other regions revolutionary sentiments and general discontent were spilling over to Shíráz, the ‘Alá’u’d-Dawlih realized that his efforts would soon be neutralized and that agitators would prepare the means of upheaval. Therefore, he cabled his resignation from the governorship of Fárs and proceeded to Tihrán.

The Rule of the Qavámu’l-Mulk, AH 1324

That year passed amiably. During that period, Muhammad-Ridá Khán, the Qavámu’l-Mulk [II], was in Tihrán, and the condition of there was unstable and tumultuous, as various groups had conflicting agendas and differing objectives. Every year, a new governor would be appointed for Fárs, but because of the nation-wide turmoil and mayhem, he would be dismissed from office and in a most absurd manner quit the region. [p. 525] Therefore, by then, no one was willing to accept Tihrán’s offer of this post. However, Muhammad-Ridá Khán, the Qavámu’l-Mulk, did accede to this overture and arrived back at Shíráz as the new governor-general.

Upon entry into Shíráz he moved quickly to consolidate his position and establish order. He appointed his eldest son, Habíbu’lláh Khán, as his deputy, and his younger son, Mírzá Muhammad-‘Alí Khán, the Nasru’d-Dawlih, was put in charge of the armed forces. He further invited to the governor’s office the most prominent leaders of diverse groups and publicly bestowed the robe of honor upon them. In short, he managed to completely seize the reins of the affairs of Fárs into his capable and powerful hands.

This fact, however, did not sit well with the rivals of the Qavámu’l-Mulk, that is, the Núrí family—the descendents of Hájí Amír and Mírzá Na‘ím Núrí, who were mentioned earlier during the course of the Nayríz episodes and the events related to the illustrious Vahíd, and who constituted a family that was most keenly antagonistic toward this sacred Faith. A deep and entrenched animosity had always existed between the Núrí and the Qavám families, and they despised Qavámu’l-Mulk’s absolute authority. Therefore, they began to agitate in opposition, provoked the populace, and won over the ‘ulamá and beturbanned clerics to their designs. Gradually, the pot of sedition came to a boil.

As was customary, the door of mischief was first opened by heaping insults and abuses upon this much wronged community [i.e., Bahá’ís], and the lead was taken by some of the ignorant yet seemingly learned ‘ulamá who from before harbored belligerence towards the Qavámu’l-Mulk. They would say, “All the affairs and administration are handled by Áqá Mírzá Muhammad-Báqir Khán [Dihqán], who is a Bábí and is among the chief lieutenants of the Qavámu’l-Mulk. They desire unbridled authority, and with his collusion they plan on the conversion of Muslims to the Bábí religion!”

Gradually, the standard of wickedness was hoisted, and the flame of malice and rebellion was fueled beyond invectives and cursing, evolving into beatings and injuries. Whenever any of the Bahá’ís were seen in the bazaar, without exception, they would be publicly subject to severe torment and harm.

This time the situation was worse than in previous upheavals, since in the past the principal target of assault was the governor, with the Qavám identified with the side of the populace and to some degree always able to exert influence to prevent the crazed mob from injuring the friends. However, this time, it was the Qavám himself who was the governor of Fárs—an event not enjoying popular support—and the instigators of the revolt were the Núrí family, who from the past numbered among the most virulent enemies of this wronged party [i.e., Bahá’ís], aided by the dark-hearted ‘ulamá who harbored resentment towards the Qavám. Therefore, the latter was powerless to protect [the Bahá’í Faith] against the mischief-makers and enemies, and a massacre of the community and the loss of much innocent blood was feared.

Anxious to avoid responsibility [in the anticipated pogrom], the head of the telegraph office cabled Tihrán a detailed report of the activities and objectives of the opposition and the malefactors, thereby making the central authorities aware of the looming situation. He further argued that should the government fail to quickly appoint a sufficiently powerful governor, and he fail to immediately assume his new office, then serious and grievous consequences were assured, as anyone opposing another would use religion as an excuse to achieve their purpose.

The Constitutional Revolt

Upon receiving this report and learning of the situation in Fárs, Ghulám-Husayn Khán Ghaffárí, who was one of the special ministers and among the governor’s ablest administrators, was appointed governor-general of Fárs. Since he was a wise politician, he telegraphed the appointment of the Mudabbiru’s-Saltanih Núrí, who was the author of the mischief and troubles, as the deputy-governor, and himself left in haste for Shíráz.

He arrived towards the end of AH 1324 [circa November 1906] and moved quickly to seize full control. Several experienced ministers accompanied him, such as, the Mustawfi-Nizám, who effectively dealt with all the details. They were able to ensure that none in the city committed a transgression against another, [p. 530] and that those uttering religious insults were summarily arrested and punished.

During this period, the incident of Tihrán occurred, and the widespread revolt and turmoil in the course of the ‘Alá’u’d-Dawlih’s rule, then governor of Tihrán, spilled over to the rest of the nation. As Muzaffari’d-Dín Sháh was constantly ill and disappointed in absolutist monarchy, he therefore signed and promulgated Iran’s constitution in order to please his subjects. According to the new provisions, each town was to elect a representative to serve on the National Consultative Parliament, and this fact was telegraphed to all the governors and provinces.³²⁰

As soon as this matter was noised about in Shíráz, once again turmoil commenced, and people divided into several factions. One group rose in support of the constitutional movement, while another in opposition. Many diverse [political] parties were formed, including the democrats, the freedom party, the conservatives, the constitutionalists, and the absolute monarchists. Each of these diverse parties developed activities, organized meetings, identified candidates, published position statements, authored manifestos and policies, made specific promises, and forged alliances over the text of the Qur’án. Far more than at any time in the past, political activism became the norm.

The absolute monarchists would say in one voice, “All of these uproars are incited by the Bahá’ís; they are promoting the constitutional movement. Since they have suffered previously at the hand of the central government and have suffered under its coercion, they now exert themselves in wrecking the majesty of the Throne, and in the name of constitutional law emancipate themselves and cause trouble for the righteous Islamic nation, nay see to its reduction and destruction.”

Conversely, the constitutionalists would say unanimously, “The Bábís and Bahá’ís are antagonists toward parliamentary rule and supporters of absolute monarchy. They do not wish to see the nation ruled and organized by a unified code of law. In the present [revolutionary] chaos, it is they who gain most by promoting their wayward ideas through the illiterate and ignorant masses.”

And yet the democrats would claim, “We champion the masses who must be liberated by any means possible from the injustice of the absolutist yoke and led to the haven of freedom and comfort.” The foremost enemy of the Bahá’ís were the Democratic Party, as they constantly connived to cause trouble and difficulties for this much-wronged people.

It was not long before Muzaffari’d-Dín Sháh passed away and Muhammad-‘Alí Sháh came to the Throne [in January 1907]. Once more, the field of mischief was thronged with ill-intentioned men who persuaded the Sháh against constitutional law, and he tried to rule as an absolute monarch. From various provinces, men who were not in favor of constitutional reform were summoned to Tihrán, and each was given new orders [to combat the opposition] and sent forth as governors or other officers. Included in this was Muhammad-Ridá Khán, the Qavámu’l-Mulk, who [having sided with the Sháh] was called to Tihrán, and after receiving full instructions returned to Shíráz where he formed a number of secret societies and swayed his confidants against the constitution and in favor of absolutist rule and its benefits. These activities, however, only served to fuel the revolution.

From various regions, certain agents, known as Mujáhid,³²¹ arrived. One group came from Tabríz, with diverse clothing; some others from Burújird; some from Rasht or Mázandarán; and from other places. [p. 535] The town’s mischief-makers were particularly joyous over these devious developments and created their own Mujáhid Society. Each of its members was tasked with the murder of several [opposition figures].

The ‘ulamá were also divided into two camps: one supporting the Qavámu’l-Mulk [and his royalist sentiments], while the other was advocating constitutional reform and [parliamentary] law. The sole point of unity among all the diverse groups was their mutual animosity towards the divine friends [Bahá’ís] and their abuse and insults of the believers. Every preacher who ascended the pulpit would devote his entire sermon, from the beginning to the end, to bitter denunciation, assault, and opprobrium of the Cause, and slanders and calumny against its wronged adherents. They would say, “The very authors of the constitutional movement are these people [Bahá’ís]. This is because the foremost objective of this wayward group and the principal teaching of this insidious party are to strengthen the foundation of the constitutional and republican movement. We must exert our utmost to thoroughly eradicate these loathsome and ungodly people to ensure the tranquility of the nation and protect the radiance of Islam. Should anything other than this be attempted, the peace and freedom that we cherish will never be achieved.”

Similarly, every cleric or preacher who was supportive of the constitutional reform would devote his entire sermon or homily to the destruction and extermination of the Bahá’ís. They would say, “The main supporters of despotism are the Bahá’ís. We must first thoroughly uproot them so that the absolutists are frustrated and constitutional law is promulgated throughout the land.”

And when the Mujáhidíns arrived, the absolutists claimed, “Mujáhidíns are entirely Bábís!” And likewise, the constitutionalists insisted, “Mujáhidíns are all Bábís!” In the midst of all this commotion, the believers were given not a moment’s rest or respite, and were the objects of attack of every party. As the famous adage states, “Harm always comes to the weak!” After the public’s ears were filled with such sentiments and the Qavámu’l-Mulk’s objectives became universally known, the citizens of Shíráz were divided into three factions:

• 
  A large majority who were constitutionalists;
  
• 
  The absolutist supporters of the Qavámu’l-Mulk;
  
• 
  And the moderates, meaning those who had no views.
  

Once affairs were arranged, various coalitions established, and groups organized, Muhammad-Ridá Khán, the Qavámu’l-Mulk, made a public announcement, summoning the whole of Shíráz and every strata of society, including the distinguished ‘ulamá, the wealthy, the merchants, shopkeepers, farmers and others, to a meeting in Masjid Naw at three hours before dusk on Thursday. For this purpose the mosque’s courtyard was carpeted, tea and water-pipes were readied, and a number of ushers and servants enlisted. In the afternoon, rank upon rank of Shírázís gathered at the Masjid, and throngs filled the balconies and adjacent verandas, all waiting with great anticipation to see what would transpire and what end was to be achieved. After tea, water-pipes, and refreshments were served to the gentlemen, the Qavámu’l-Mulk stood to deliver his speech. In their eagerness to hear his words, people pressed closer to hear him more clearly and to learn his purpose.

Standing at the top of a pulpit made of ancient stone, the Qavámu’l-Mulk commenced in a resonant voice by first praising the majesty, the glory, and the sovereignty of Qájár Dynasty, and spoke especially of the abilities, courage, and the valor of Muhammad-‘Alí Sháh. He then added:
O ye, citizens of Fárs! Unlike other places, you must be devoted to the Sháh and aid the government, and must not be swayed by insidious and evil-minded individuals. The people that bestir themselves in opposition to the government have shown their true colors, and it is known what sort of people they are and what the nature of their objectives. You must not allow yourselves to be manipulated by them. By God, I am your one true friend! The scheme put forward at present and known as “constitutional monarchy” derives from a source and spring whose provenance is known to me alone, and unknown to you. And that source is none other than the newfangled party [i.e., the Bahá’ís] who for many years have been anticipating this day. Currently, they wish [p. 540] to implement their true intent in its entirety. Since you are not familiar with them, I will now prove this to you and demonstrate it adequately so that you might be fully assured of it.
With this comment, he pulled out a copy of the Kitáb-i Aqdas from his overcoat and with the resonant voice read the following verse:
“Let nothing grieve thee, O Land of Tá,³²² for God hath chosen thee to be the source of the joy of all mankind. He shall, if it be His Will, bless thy throne with one who will rule with justice, who will gather together the flock of God which the wolves have scattered. Such a ruler will, with joy and gladness, turn his face towards, and extend his favors unto, the people of Bahá. He indeed is accounted in the sight of God as a jewel among men. Upon him rest forever the glory of God and the glory of all that dwell in the kingdom of His revelation.

“Rejoice with great joy, for God hath made thee ‘the Dayspring of His light’, inasmuch as within thee was born the Manifestation of His Glory. Be thou glad for this name that hath been conferred upon thee—a name through which the Day-Star of grace hath shed its splendor, through which both earth and heaven have been illumined.

“Ere long will the state of affairs within thee be changed, and the reins of power fall into the hands of the people.”³²³
O people! Do you really want to implement the constitutional reform promised by Mírzá Husayn-‘Alí Bahá’u’lláh to His followers and to adopt His laws and percepts? Do you want to endure this regret? Do you not perceive that if you aid them in this regard, you will lose both worlds and will win for yourselves the curse of God and His Messenger, Who will thoroughly reject you? Do not commit that which will cause His Prophet [i.e., Muhammad] to turn away from you, for you to stand before Him filled with shame!

I have just come from Tihrán and know well what is transpiring in the capital. Today, the Bábís and Bahá’ís are the promoters of constitutional reform. All the disturbances in Tihrán during the reign of the late Muzaffari’d-Dín Sháh were at the hand of these people! Since the late Muzaffari’d-Dín Sháh was in ill-health and depressed and having no other recourse, he signed the constitution. However, His Majesty Muhammad-‘Alí Sháh is against such a notion, as he is fully aware that such erroneous concept is based on Bahá’u’lláh’s promise to His people! Of a certainty, you will aid and succor your loving Sovereign in this important matter.

Having uttered such calumnies, he descended from the pulpit. Present at the gathering were several of the leading constitutionalists, such as Shaykh Muhammad-Báqir Istahbánátí, Siyyid Ahmad Dashtakí, Hájí ‘Alí Áqá Dhú’r-Riyásatyn [twin chiefs], and some others. Unable to hold back their fury, they protested vigorously and forcibly stated:
With these nonsensical comments, the Qavámu’l-Mulk intends to confuse people and uproot the constitution. However, it is now impossible to erase this sentiment [i.e., reform] from people’s mind. The tree of the constitution, the choicest fruit of which is the law, will never be uprooted! The feast of absolutists and despotism will never again be spread, and the likes you can never enjoy its corrupt benefits. No longer will you be masters, able to rule as feudal landlords where you can enslave the working masses and treat them as purchased possessions!
Following such protests, a huge uproar and commotion ensued, and it was feared that many among the assemblage in the mosque would be killed. When the Qavám realized that the atmosphere was too explosive, he abandoned his kinsmen and party supporters and quietly slipped away using a small door beneath the pulpit. When he reached the outside, he mounted [a steed] and with great haste fled to his [well-protected] residence.

Afterwards, Hájí Shaykh Muhammad-Báqir Istahbánátí, Hájí Siyyid Ahmad Dashtakí Mu‘ínu’l-Islám, and Hájí ‘Alí Áqá Dhú’r-Riyásatyn together with the Democratic Party and the Mujáhidín gathered in the home of the Dhú’r-Riyásatyn and collectively agreed, “Muhammad-Ridá Khán’s speech against the Bahá’ís was based on seditious plans, and we should not heed it in the least, but must ignore it completely. The Qavám’s purpose is to disrupt the constitutional process and has nothing to do with the teaching of the Bábís and Bahá’ís. He wishes to once again subjugate the people under his own vain imaginings and schemes.”

To this, Hájí ‘Alí Áqá added, “I know well that Bahá’ís would never interfere in governmental affairs or political discussions, much less would they agitate to sway the nation, be it toward constitutional reform or toward maintaining absolutism. The purpose of the Qavám in his talk at the Masjid was to discredit the reformists and to turn people against the constitutionalists by associating the constitutional movement with the Bábís and Bahá’ís”

Hájí Shaykh Muhammad-Báqir noted, “And what harm is there even if it were so? [p. 545] For us constitutionalists, the best thing would be for the entire country, from whatever rank or creed, to support such parliamentary reforms. If they [i.e., Bahá’ís] are patriotic and nationalistic, then it behooves them to support the constitutionalist party. And if they are against such reforms, then it is of cardinal importance to thoroughly eradicate them from this land.”

And finally, Hájí Mu‘ínu’l-Islám commented, “It is imperative for all Iranian citizens to be supportive of the constitution and to repudiate the tyranny of absolutism, and this includes all Jews, Christians, Muslims, the Bábís and Bahá’ís. We must never heed the kind of calumny uttered today by the Qavám.”

When the Qavámists became apprised of the report of the constitutionalists’ discussions, they spread far and wide among the bazaar shopkeepers the claim that “Shaykh Muhammad-Báqir and Hájí ‘Ali Áqá are Bábís. Because if they were not, they would never speak in such a manner.”

In short, this much-wronged community was a target of both sides who would use it as an excuse to advance their own agenda. That is, the constitutionalists would say, “Bahá’ís support the absolutists,” and the monarchists would claim, “Bahá’ís are the mainstay of the constitutional movement.” And such news and proclamations were profoundly difficult for the friends to bear. The matter escalated to such a degree that they could not even leave their homes or step into the streets, since doing so carried the risk of running into one of the factions and being harmed or mistreated.

Multiple Assassinations

On Saturday, 1 Safar AH 1326 [5 March 1908],³²⁴ from the early morning hours until half an hour before lunch, Muhammad-Ridá Khán, the Qavámu’l-Mulk, met with a number of his men in a large orchard adjacent to his private residence. He encouraged them to act against the wishes and interests of the constitutionalists and made plans for factions [under his control] to undertake various demonstrations and protests. Having completed his discussions and plans, he returned to the inner apartment of his home for lunch and, while he was descending the stairs, a certain Mujáhid, known among people as Ni‘matu’lláh Burújirdí, shot the Qavám three times in the heart with a small German pistol. Forthwith, Muhammad-Ridá Khán left this world of pain for the world above.

A huge uproar ensued in the Qavám’s courtyard and orchard, and the assassin was seized and on the spot fatally beaten by fists, kicks, sticks, and stones—and he too was relieved of the afflictions of this merciless world. Afterwards, they thoroughly searched his person to see what documentation could be found to identify the instigator of this crime, but none could be found.

Failing in their search, they nevertheless raised the cry, “Ni‘matu’lláh Burújirdí was a Bábí! The Qavám’s assassins were the Bábís! The murder was ordered by Mírzá Husayn Khán Kávarí, the Mu‘tamidu’d-Díván!” [They were placing this blame with] the Mu‘tamidu’d-Díván, because by virtue of his exceptional courage, valor, and audacity, it was well known among the populace that he was a Bahá’í, and no one doubted his allegiance to the Faith. Moreover, [it was learned that] Ni‘matu’lláh Burújirdí had stayed at his [the Mu‘tamidu’d-Díván’s] home, and therefore they were convinced that all evidence pointed to him regarding the Qavám’s assassination.

In short, the remains of the Qavámu’l-Mulk were washed, coffined, and laid out. His personal Husayniyyih was canopied, where a large mourning gathering and prayer vigil was organized with throngs of people from every class, such as distinguished ‘ulamá, merchants, shopkeepers, and other diverse groups came to share in the mourning from morn until eve.

On the third and the final day of the bereavements, approaching noontime, all the ‘ulamá, businessmen, and prominent citizens of Shíráz had gathered for the occasion, and Habíbu’lláh Khán and Mírzá Muhammad-‘Alí Khán, the Nasru’d-Dawlih, [the Qavám’s two sons] were sitting next to each other greeting the mourners. [p. 550] At midday the gathering concluded and the two gentlemen rose to thank the mourners and bid them farewell. Among the participants were members of the Democratic Party as well as [the leading constitutionalists] Áqá Shaykh Muhammad-Báqir Istahbánátí and Hájí Siyyid Ahmad Dashtakí, known as the Mu‘ínu’l-Islám. Of a sudden, the sound of a gunshot was heard, and Habíbu’lláh Khán collapsed to the ground screaming. His people cried out, “Once more, they have assassinated our master!” And with that, they quickly whisked him away over their shoulders to his home.

In the ensuing pandemonium, frightened people were fleeing in every direction and included among them were the aforementioned Áqá Shaykh Muhammad-Báqir and Hájí Siyyid Ahmad, the Mu‘ínu’l-Islám, who quickly exited the Husayniyyih and proceeded in haste toward their residence. However, they were followed by the Qavámu’l-Mulk’s supporters, who bruited about that Áqá [i.e., Habíbu’lláh Khán] was shot. After a short distance, one of the Qavámu’l-Mulk’s men shot Áqá Shaykh Muhammad-Báqir in the back. He fell to the ground injured and screaming when a certain Sabbágh [painter] saw him and lifted him over his shoulders, and tried to carry him home, but both he and the Shaykh were shot dead on the spot from behind.

Subsequent to the Shaykh’s assassination, Hájí Siyyid Ahmad, the Mu‘ínu’l-Islám, was chased with the greatest haste, seized, and brought back to the Husayniyyih where he was brutally murdered. His remains were hung from the entrance, and the cry was raised, “We have exacted a revenge for our master’s death and killed his murderers! Now the rest of the wayward and infidel Bábís can see what we intend!” With that, they burnt the corpse with straw and kerosene, and dragged it for some time through the streets and the bazaar, eventually throwing it into a well, known as the Qal‘ih-Bandar, on the Sa‘diyyih Mountain.

It should be easy to imagine the sort of tumult that overtook the city at that time and how wicked people took advantage of all these pretexts to cause mischief. All thoughts and discussions were solely on the issue of the Bábís and Bahá’ís. It was an obstreperous and turbulent period. Anyone who committed a villainous act would blame it on this Faith and its adherents. Everyone admittedly maintained that both the murder of the Qavám and the injury of [his son] Habíbu’lláh Khán were the doing of the Bábís! They even widely spread rumors in the city that it was solely the Bábís who killed Shaykh Muhammad-Báqir and in a heinous manner burnt [Hájí Siyyid Ahmad] Mu‘ínu’l-Islám! In unanimity they would cry out, “The Bábís committed all these deeds and atrocities!” Thus, each day brought a new wave of persecution.

By then the situation between the two contending factions of the constitutionalists and the royalists had reached its peak and deteriorated into open murder and battle. Animosity had reached its zenith, and the two sides constantly imprecated each other. The governor reported the matter to Tihrán at length and asked the court for instructions on how to deal with the situation. The Royal Court replied that Muhammad-Ridá Khán’s [the Qavámu’l-Mulk] sons were to be sent to Europe. Therefore, both Habíbu’lláh Khán and Mírzá Muhammad-‘Alí Khán, the Nasru’d-Dawlih, were sent by the governor from Shíráz to Búshihr and from thence to Europe.

With their departure from Shíráz, Fárs became somewhat tranquil, since at least the absolutists’ main support was withdrawn. Gradually, the constitutionalists grew in strength and number, and the vast majority of the multitude favored parliamentary reforms. Nevertheless, the insidious elements continued to ensure that the Faith remained current in people’s mind and that it was blamed for every wicked incident.

The Itihád Islám Society

During this time, the foes and enemies [of the Bahá’í Faith] organized a society known as the Itihád Islám [the Islamic unity] with the sole objective of opposing, countering, battling, and eradicating this much-wronged Faith.³²⁵ During the months of Muharram, Safar, and Ramadán, from every mosque and pulpit, they would launch bitter denunciations and engage in slander and insults [against the Bahá’í Cause]. They taught their lads [p. 555] to confront the believers in the streets, by their shops and stores, to loudly curse and scorn them, and to pursue their victims with rocks and stones. The Bahá’í children were particular targets of these vicious assaults and were repeatedly attacked every time they came outside. Several despicable and bitter foes penned polemics in verse, put on the garb of dervishes and constantly frequented the streets, the bazaars, the mosques, and all the public places, resonantly chanting these poems—and in between verses insulting and vilifying the Cause—and after having defamed the Sacred Figures, they would heap contempt upon each of the renowned believers, who were named individually. Hearing such profane mocking and being the subject of relentless attacks would cause the believers to shed bitter tears and would break their hearts. We knew not what we could do to lessen this fury.

It was during this time that many Tablets were revealed by ‘Abdu’l-Bahá in honor of various friends, and in these He strictly forbade the believers from participating in political affairs, disallowed involvement in political parties, and proscribed membership in any of the factions. He admonished the believers to dissociate themselves from any entity from whose activities the odor of dissension and disunity could be perceived. He even instructed the friends neither to attend rallies and demonstrations that could be construed as political in nature, nor to accept membership in any society, that they might remain safe and protected. In light of these instructions from our beloved Master, none of the believers attended any political gatherings or became entangled with any party. When any of our coreligionists was invited to attend a [political] gathering or join a party or in some way join with a society, he would offer an excuse and not participate—this held true even on occasions where such participation was demanded. Believers’ avoidance of such activities and their lack of support for various cabals, of necessity, served to deepen people’s enmity and suspicion toward us.

Meeting with a Leading Constitutionalist

In those days, the present writer had a particular matter to discuss with Hájí ‘Alí Áqá Dhú’r-Riyásatyn and as such went to see him.³²⁶ Typically when we met, he would inquire about various Bahá’í subjects and tidings, and would especially inquire after ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, as he was very attached to the Faith.

However, that day, upon seeing me, he inquired, “Why do you isolate yourself, avoid membership in political parties, and disassociate yourself therefrom? Is it not the case that Bahá’ís also cherish establishment of constitutional laws? Is it not true that Bahá’u’lláh in the Kitáb-i Aqdas and the Tablet of the World³²⁷ has clearly and emphatically enjoined upon Iran the acquisition of a constitutional framework? Therefore, it seems evident that you [Bahá’ís] must be more supportive of this effort than others and exert your utmost to promote this critical undertaking. Certainly, you will not be well served by your avoidance of these parties and absence from the democratically organized gatherings. You must be present and succor such efforts, and encourage and persuade all the Bahá’ís to attend as well.”

Noting that he was adamant in his view, this servant replied with wisdom, “Clearly, Your Excellency is correct in everything you have stated. We, too, deeply desire constitutional reform and have no objections whatsoever to it. After all, as your own good self has mentioned, it is one of the divine promises that Iran will be adorned with the rule of law. However, as we are much too renowned, were we to participate in your political rallies, it would provide the absolutists with an excuse to discourage people from the constitutional reform and would make this fundamental document a plaything of the ignorant. That is, with our participation, you will not succeed. Wisdom is imperative under all conditions. You know full well [p. 560] that the Party of God [i.e., Bahá’ís] not only does not oppose your proposed reforms, but also is most supportive of them.”

On hearing this reasoning, he stated, “Of course you are right, and I agree too. But do your best to nurse people into adoption of the constitution.”

Formation of the First Local Spiritual Assembly of Shíráz

In the midst of all the turmoil and worries, and at the height of the [constitutional] revolt, emphatic instructions were issued from the Holy Land for the formation of the Local Spiritual Assembly [of Shíráz]—that is, nine believers who received the highest number of votes were to congregate once a week to consult on all spiritual matters and on ways of ensuring the community’s continual, strict avoidance of political affairs and membership in various parties.

Therefore, on Friday, 5 Jamádíyu’l-Avval AH 1325 [5 June 1908], the entire Bahá’í community of every creed came together in the home of Hájí Mírzá ‘Alí, known as Taryakí. The following nine believers received the highest votes: Mírzá Áqá Khán Bashíru’s-Sultán; Áqá Mírzá Muhammad-Báqir Khán; Áqá Siyyid Muhammad-Husayn Afnán; Áqá Mírzá Áqá Afnán; Hájí Mírzá Buzurg Afnán; Áqá Mírzá ‘Alí-Muhammad Khán, the Muvaqarru’d-Dawlih; Mírzá ‘Alí Ashraf ‘Andalíb; Hájí Mírzá Husayn-‘Alí ‘Amu’í; and Hájí Mírzá Habíbu’lláh Afnán.

The Assembly resolved to meet on Fridays at three o’clock in the afternoon at the [Báb’s] martyred uncle’s house, which ‘Abdu’l-Bahá had designated as a Mashriqu’l-Adhkár. In accordance with the Master’s instruction, the late Muvaqarru’d-Dawlih had purchased two-thirds of this house, which had belonged to non-Bahá’ís, and had donated it to the Faith. The remaining third belonged to three groups of the Afnán family: the children of Hájí Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim Afnán; the descendants of Hájí Mírzá Siyyid Hasan, the Afnán Kabír; and Zahrá Bagum. They, too, had ceded their shares to the Faith, and therefore in its entirety the house belonged to the Cause.

In short, the Assembly meetings were held in this sacred location. With the utmost care, the Assembly was vigilant that none among the believers would associate in any way with any of the political parties and that the friends would avoid entanglement in such trappings.

The Murder of the Mu‘tamidu’d-Díván

In that year, Sultán Mas‘úd Mírzá, the Zillu’s-Sultán, was appointed governor-general of Fárs. Upon arrival, since the Qavámu’l-Mulk’s sons were no longer in Shíráz, he gave Mírzá Husayn Khán, the Mu‘tamidu’d-Díván, the rights over the ‘Arab and Khamísh tribes which had been part of the Qavám’s estate. And the story of that incident is as follows.

At the beginning of the absolutists’ movement, the Mu‘tamidu’d-Díván was among the inner circle of the Qavámu’l-Mulk’s most trusted men. Since Muhammad-Ridá Khán, the Qavámu’l-Mulk, explicitly trusted these two men, he would not attempt any undertakings without consultation and without the concurrence of Mírzá Husayn Khán and Áqá Mírzá Muhammad-Báqir Khán. However, during the first tenure of the governorship of Mírzá Ahmad Khán, the ‘Alá’u’d-Dawlih, a grave misunderstanding occurred between the Mu‘tamidu’d-Díván and the Qavámu’l-Mulk that eventually escalated into open belligerency.³²⁸ The former completely withdrew from the affairs of the Qavámu’l-Mulk and threw his lot with the Qavám’s enemies, aiding their designs.

‘Abdu’l-Bahá was informed of this situation and in several sacred Tablets addressed to Muhammad-Husayn Mírzá, the Mu’ayyadu’s-Saltanih, emphatically stated, “Mírzá Husayn Khán and Muhammad-Ridá Khán must be united with one another. Setting aside their differences and enmities, they must associate with each other in oneness and harmony. However, should they do otherwise, a grievous end awaits them both.” The Master’s admonishment was shared with both, but to no avail. Later, during the constitutional revolt, [as foretold by ‘Abdu’l-Bahá] the Qavám perished.

As the Mu‘tamidu’d-Díván was fully informed of the extent [p. 565] of the Qavámu’l-Mulk’s estate, he organized a large contingent of armed force and together with artillery and many soldiers proceeded in the direction of the ‘Arab tribe in hope of fully consolidating the divergent elements of the estate. Informed of this undertaking, the Qavám’s family, however, planned to murder Mírzá Husayn Khán.

With grandeur and much ceremony, in Rabí‘u’l-Avval AH 1325 [April 1907]³²⁹ the camp moved from Shíráz and at a distance of fifteen farsang, in the vicinity of Saydún, a certain ‘Askar Khán ‘Arab, one of the ‘Arab Kalántars, shot Mírzá Husayn Khán from behind. Seeing the latter fall from his horse, his brother, ‘Abbás Khán, quickly reached him, but he too was shot dead.

A great pandemonium ensued, and the camp fell in complete disarray. In no time, the ‘Arab tribesmen seized the supply of guns, artilleries, tents, and provisions. When this news reached Shíráz, a blanket of fear enshrouded the city, as everyone was deeply frightened of the prospect of heavily armed ‘Arab tribes attacking the city and leaving none standing. In this fear, all were united—whether reformist, royalist, democrat, moderates, or Mujáhid—all felt the same way. No longer was anyone speaking of the Bábís or Bahá’ís. Everyone was apprehensive as to what fate awaited them.

It was during this time that Muhammad-‘Alí Sháh [disrupted the reforms and] discharged his cannons on the Parliament Building, seizing and executing several of the opposition. However, uniting their forces, Sipahdár from the North and Sardár As‘ad Bakhtíyár from the South attacked Tihrán, took the command of affairs into their own hands, and surrounded the royal palace. Muhammad-‘Alí Sháh fled to the Russian Consulate and took refuge there. The Parliament dethroned the latter, and since Ahmad Mírzá had not reached the age of maturity, he was named the Throne’s vice-regent.³³⁰ In haste, Muhammad-‘Ali Mírzá left the capital.

All the ministers and governors appointed during the reign of Muhammad-‘Ali Mírzá were summoned to Tihrán, including Zillu’s-Sultán who was dismissed from his post in Fárs.

The Governorship of Ásifu’d-Dawlih

Ghulám-Ridá Khán, the Ásifu’d-Dawlih Sháhsún, was appointed to the office of governor-general of Fárs and with a large contingent [of armed forces] arrived in Shíráz on Jamádíy’th-Thání AH 1326 [July 1908]. He was a Turk, an ineffective administrator, and incapable of rule in Fárs. During his tenure, the affairs of Fárs were in total chaos, and anyone could commit any act he wished. The rabble and the enemies took advantage of the situation and were committing all manners of atrocities against the believers—far worse than before. With the utmost cruelty, the friends suffered great difficulties.³³¹

Not long thereafter, after a sojourn in Europe, the Qavámu’l-Mulk’s sons returned in accord with the wishes of the government and came to Fárs.

Day-by-day, the believers grew in their love and rapture in the Cause. The greater the intensity of persecution and tyranny against them, the greater their unity and fellowship. Despite all the obstacles, day and night they were immersed in serving the Faith, teaching its healing Message, and awakening souls. During this time, Áqá Mírzá Tarázu’lláh, son of the illustrious Samandar, and Áqá Mírzá ‘Alí-Akbar Rafsinjání arrived in Shíráz and commenced teaching in that city and its environs, such as Ábádih, Nayríz, Sarvistán,³³² Dariyán, Jahrum,³³³ and other places, and succeeded in enrolling a large number under the banner of God’s divine canopy.

Chapter 16