In the Land of Refuge

291^ Presumably, a reference to the ‘ulamá.

292^ Based on his father’s recollections, Abú’l-Qásim Afnán notes, “The Imám-Jum‘ih had suggested that the best course of action was for the governor to donate a sum of money to the ‘ulamá. Being in agreement with this proposal, the ‘Alá’u’d-Dawlih invited some prominent Bahá’ís in order to confer with them and acquaint them with the situation. Those attending the gathering contributed a sum that totaled nearly one thousand tumáns, the majority of which was contributed by the head of the telegraph office, Muhammad-Husayn Mírzá, the Mu’ayyadu’s-Saltanih. When the money was ready, depending on the rank and influence of each cleric involved in the uproar, the Imám-Jum‘ih allocated a portion to each. He asked the ‘Alá’u’d-Dawlih to write a letter to each cleric stating, ‘Since a surplus is available from the tax account and now needs to be distributed to the poor and needy, I am leaving it in your charge to disburse it in any way that you deem appropriate.’ The Imám-Jum‘ih further emphasized that the governor should ensure that his attendants collected a receipt upon the delivery of the sum” (private communication, August 1997).

293^ Mírzá Habíbu’lláh added parenthetically, “The Imám-Jum‘ih was peerless in eloquence, and all the inhabitants, young and old, male or female alike, would listen to him attentively and with due consideration.”

294^ That is, the people were expecting that Imám’s ruling would unleash a Bahá’í genocide.

295^ Qur’án 4:94.

296^ Imám ‘Alí, Nahju’l-Balághih, p. 265.

297^ A. Q. Afnán (private communications, August 1996) has noted that his father used to add the following said by the Imám, “Tonight, on everyone’s behalf, I will perform the Hájjat prayer and beseech the Apostle of God to intercede on our behalf on the Day of Resurrection and to shower our businesses with His confirmations.” Thereupon, the Imám emptied a handkerchief filled with sugarplums over the heads of the audience and told them to sweeten their mouths.

298^ Each farsang is six kilometers.

299^ Each man is 3 kilograms.

300^ A.Q. Afnán notes based on his father’s recollections: “Other Bahá’ís who had shops in area of Sháh-Chiráq were also recipients of the Imám-Jum‘ih’s immense beneficence.”

301^ Six of Bahá’u’lláh’s Tablets to him are included in INBMC 51:279–83, nos. 282–87. In one of them (no. 286, p. 282), it is revealed, “In truth, I say: The atrocities that the past Party [i.e., the Shi‘ites] have perpetrated against thee hath caused the Tablet to lament and the Pen to wail—a sobbing that provoked the Concourse on High to cry out and the denizens of the Supreme Paradise to bemoan profusely.”

302^ In 1872–73, at the request of Khadíjih Bagum and with Bahá’u’lláh’s consent, the design of the House was altered under the supervision of Núri’d-Dín.

303^ INBMC 52:322–23, no. 360.

304^ INBMC 52:321–22, no. 359.

305^ This sentence represents the Afnán’s summary of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s comments and is not an exact quotation.

306^ The following Tablet speaks to the need to maintain the original design of the House of the Báb (INBMC 52:360–61, no. 406):

Shíráz. The illustrious Afnán of the sacred Lote-Tree, the honored Áqá Mírzá Buzurg and the honored Áqá Mírzá Habíb, upon both rest the Glory of God, the Most Glorious.

He is God.

O twin offshoots of the sanctified Tree! Thy letters arrived, but response was delayed due to a severe illness that rendered writing impossible; of a certainty, you will forgive this delay. The equivalent of one hundred French Lire [sic] was sent a month ago for the purpose of the restoration of the House. Also concerning the receipts that you had asked, even though they were sent previously, apparently they have gone astray, and therefore a second copy is sent herewith.

Pertaining to the House [of the Báb] you had asked a number of questions, but know that these are all unnecessary. Follow what has been conveyed previously, and do not deviate at all from the original design. The purpose is not decoration, but to maintain the identical form and condition of the Blessed House during the days of the Exalted Beauty, the Primal Point—may my spirit be a sacrifice unto Him. This is critical. Otherwise, of a certainty, it is befitting to raise it by bricks of gold, silver, and the finest jewels; nay, it is far worthier than this! You must keep this in mind. The intent is for the architecture to remain as before, and the same applies to the paint, the door, and other details….

307^ INBMC 52:323, no. 361.

308^ A Bahá’í who ranked as the Amír-Panjih and commanded the armed forces of Fárs.

309^ Bahá’í rituals for preparation of the dead and burial are provided by Bahá’u’lláh in the Kitáb-i Aqdas.

310^ The significance of this passage appears to rest in the fact that ‘Abdu’l-Bahá had promised that should the Bahá’ís rebuild the House of the Báb, then all their troubles would be alleviated. And now Mírzá Habíbu’lláh describes that almost instantly this promise was fulfilled—not only did the attacks against the Bahá’í Faith subside but also was the prestige of the religion enhanced in the wider community through the completion of the House of the Báb.

311^ INBMC 52:326–27, no. 365.

312^ Abú’l-Qásim Afnán notes: “In his will, among his children, Núri’d-Dín had chosen my father, Mírzá Habíbu’lláh, as the next custodian of the House of the Báb. From that moment, a profoundly important responsibility was placed on my father’s shoulders. In the discharge of his duties and for the rest of his days, he knew not a moment’s rest by night, nor tranquility in the day. In addition to his great responsibility as the custodian of the House, he also had to safeguard the enormous collection of holy relics, Tablets, and manuscripts left in his trust. Although in truth these were all personal possessions, yet he deeply believed that all he owned belonged to the Cause in the first place” (private communication, December 1995). In a Tablet (INBMC 52:339, no. 381) addressed to Núri’d-Dín’s five children, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá informs them that a copy of the deceased’s will was received in the Holy Land.

313^ INBMC 52:356–57, no. 402.

314^ INBMC 52:333–34, no. 373.

315^ This Qájár Prince was the powerful head of the telegraph office and a steadfast Bahá’í.

316^ The House of the Báb was also located in that quarter.

317^ A staunch Bahá’í.

318^ Based on his father’s recollections, A.Q. Afnán notes (private communication, August 1997):

The ‘ulamá’s other excuse for uproar and revolt was the presence of Abú’l-Hasan Mírzá, the Shaykhu’r-Ra’ís, who had lived in Shíráz with influence and respect for well nigh fifteen years and who was involved in ecclesiastical matters and delivered fiery sermons. During this time, his Bahá’í identity had been discovered, and because of his close association with the Shu‘á‘u’s-Saltanih and his direct involvement in governmental affairs, they noised abroad, “The Shaykhu’r-Ra’ís has converted the Shu‘á‘u’s-Saltanih and his men to the Bábí Faith.” This tumult was so potent that it forced the Shaykhu’r-Ra’ís to leave the city in the middle of the night for Isfahán, leaving his wife and family in care of Shaykh Muhammad-Taqí Zulqadr Fasá’í who was to send them at a later date. Shaykh Muhammad-Taqí, who was a Bahá’í and a close companion of the Shaykhu’r-Ra’ís, delivered his family to their destination, and with much difficulty procured a house for them in Isfahán and saw to their comfort.

Meanwhile, the Shaykhu’r-Ra’ís sent a telegram to the Prince Mu’ayyadu’s-Saltanih and asked him also to rent a dwelling for him. The Mu’ayyadu’s-Saltanih rented two residences belonging to Áqá Muhammad-Javád Sarráf and placed these in the Shaykh’s disposal. About this time [the governor of Isfahán], the Zillu’s-Sultán, left for a hunting expedition. However, this was merely an excuse for not receiving Shaykhu’r-Ra’ís, and he also asked the ecclesiastics not to visit him so that through this inattention haply the refugee would leave the city. To combat this, Mírzá Asadu’lláh Khán Vazír, Áqá Muhammad Sarráf, and a few other Bahá’ís prepared a tent and a pulpit for Shaykhu’r-Ra’ís to deliver sermons, as he was renowned for his eloquence and deductive style. After a few months, however, he left in favor of residence in Tihrán.

During the entire course of the upheaval in Shíráz, the Qavámu’l-Mulk plotted ways to overthrow the Shu‘á‘u’s-Saltanih.

319^ Bámdád, Sharh Hál Rijál Iran, vol. 1, p. 92, places the beginning of his governorship on March 1903.

320^ Some time earlier, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá in a Tablet addressed to Núri’d-Dín, had revealed (INBMC vol. 52, p. 290):

Praise be to God that His Majesty the King exerts the utmost patience, and with justice and equity wards off tyranny and favoritism. In a similar manner, the pillars of the monarchy and the ministers of the government will not tolerate the injustice of certain unwise elements and will exert themselves to bring forth the comfort and happiness of the people. Pray that His Majesty Muzaffar [Sháh] may prevail and his enemies be reduced and vanquished. For verily this Monarch is compassionate and merciful.

321^ From the root word of Jihád [to exert], this term typically signifies freedom fighters.

322^ Tihrán

323^ Bahá’u’lláh, The Kitáb-i Aqdas, K91–93. Mírzá Habíbu’lláh does not quote the entire passage from the Aqdas, and only mentions the beginning and the end phrases. However, for the ease of reference and better flow, the entire passage is included in this translation.

324^ Bámdád, Sharh Hál Rijál Iran, vol. 3, p. 401, places this event a year earlier on February 1907 when Qavám was 57 years of age.

325^ The genesis of pan-Islamism and of this society are rooted in the efforts of Siyyid Jamálu’d-Dín Afghání.

326^ Hájí ‘Alí Áqá was the chief of the Ni‘matu’lláhí mystical order of Shíráz, and Mírzá Habíbu’lláh has added the following parenthetical comments about him: “The Hájí ‘Ali Áqá was a most righteous and good-natured man who had a considerable knowledge of this Cause. He would attend the private meetings of the friends and was well acquainted with the divine verses. Indeed, he even owned many [Bahá’í] books, such as Ishráqát, Mufávidát [Some Answered Questions], the Kitáb-i Aqdas, and the [Kitáb-i] Fará’id.”

327^ Bahá’u’lláh, Tablets of Bahá’u’lláh, pp. 83–97.

328^ As a prelude to this division, the Qavám subjected Mírzá Husayn Khán to the bastinado, an act which he greatly resented.

329^ Given that the Zillu’s-Sultán became the governor of Fárs during AH 1326, “AH 1325” seems to be a copyist error, and the correct date should be AH 1326.

330^ Muhammad-‘Alí Sháh’s abdication occurred on 16 July 1909.

331 ^ As an example of civil disorder in this period, the following comment by Abú’l-Qásim Afnán was shared for inclusion as a footnote (private communication, December 1997): “During the Ásifu’d-Dawlih’s rule, Mírzá ‘Alí-Muhammad Khán, the Muvaqqari’d-Dawlih, occupied a senior position in the British Consulate, and his job often required him to visit the governor. One day on his return from such a visit, his carriage was attacked, his horse shot dead, and he stripped of all possessions. In this state, he returned to the governor’s residence, harshly stating, ‘The affairs in the province have deteriorated to such a point that shots are fired on a man of my standing, and he is assaulted in the front of the Governor’s Ark!’ The Ásifu’d-Dawlih replied, ‘The attackers were your own gunmen instructed to kill Mírzá Muhammad-Báqir Khán and in error attacked you instead.’ These kind of incidents and incompetence were communicated to Tihrán, and soon the Ásifu’d-Dawlih was removed from the office, and Ja‘far-Qulí Khán, the Sahámu’d-Dawlih, was appointed as the governor-general of Fárs.”

332^ Sarvistán had changed its character from the earlier days when Bahá’ís were persecuted. By then most of the town’s influential figures and headmen were Bahá’ís. The Bahá’í community of this town lived in relative tranquility and was a refuge for Bahá’ís of other communities who occasionally had to escape the wrath of persecution.

333^ At that time Jahrum had more than 500 Bahá’ís and was administered by Siyyid Muhammad, son of Siyyid ‘Abdu’l-Husayn Lárí. Both father and son perpetrated great harm against the Bahá’í Faith at later dates.

334^ Died in 1923 in Jahrum; for a biography see Bámdád, Sharh Hál Rijál Iran, vol. 2, pp. 257–58.

335^ Abú’l-Qásim Afnán notes, “An example of Siyyid ‘Abdu’l-Husayn’s savagery was the beheading in his own home of seventy-two of the tribal chiefs and the nobility of Garash, one of the dependencies of Lár. He claimed these men were the promoters of the constitution and the followers of the Qavámu’l-Mulk [III]. When this news was communicated to Muhammad-‘Alí Sháh, he sent a telegram to the Nasru’d-Dawlih, who at that time was the military chief of Fárs, which read, ‘Beloved of the sovereign, Nasru’d-Dawlih! Where art thou? Who is Siyyid ‘Abdu’l-Husayn? All hail to the king!’ Before an answer was received, the monarch was ousted from the throne” (private communication, August 1997).

336^ Presumably, a reference to the Bazaar quarter that in the 1850s served the city against the Bábí revolts.

337^ Masjid Jum‘ih Kabírih was located in the old Chinár-Sukhtih quarter, where most Bahá’ís resided. From the time of Vahíd Dárábí in 1850, this fortified mosque had served as an important stronghold for the Bábís and Bahá’ís.

338^ According to the narrative of Mullá Muhammad-Shafí‘ Nayrízí, during 1853, the Bábí community of Nayríz took to mountains where several hundred of them perished in the most gruesome manner through their struggles with the military forces sent against them. For details see Rabbani, The Bábís of Nayríz: History and Documents.

339^ The date of this event is Naw-Rúz 1909. On that very day, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá interred the remains of the Báb on Mount Carmel, and the Bahá’ís in Chicago resolved to raise the Mother Temple of the West—thus three sacred acts in the East, the Holy Land, and the West were intertwined on a single day.

340^ The author’s narrative suggests a total of 20 martyrs: two on an earlier day, and then eight and ten martyrs on another occasion, for a total of 20 martyrs.

341^ See Rabbani, The Bábís of Nayríz: History and Documents, and Rawhani, Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 2.

342^ The original word is qal‘ih, which technically means fort, but in local parlance refers to village.

343^ The implication of this comment is that Shírází enemies perpetrated or instigated the several earlier episodes of imprisonment of Sarvistánís or their martyrdom.

344^ The Nasru’d-Dawlih stayed in Fasá for a little while in order to reduce the Nasírí ‘Arab tribes that had been revolting for some time. It was there that through Qaytás Khán of Rúníz he received a letter written by the Imám-Jum‘ih of Fasá to Shaykh Zakariyyá, encouraging the latter to eradicate the Bahá’ís. In a public gathering that consisted of all the clerics and headmen of Fasá and surrounding region, the Nasru’d-Dawlih produced this letter and asked the Imám-Jum‘ih if he recognized the handwriting and the seal. To this, the Imám replied, “It is very similar to my writing and seal.” Using his walking stick, the Nasru’d-Dawlih removed the Imám’s turban, throwing it to floor, and ordered him to eat the letter. He continued to strike him in the head with his stick until he had finished eating the letter and then was ejected from the meeting in utmost disgrace (based on notes of A.Q. Afnán, August 1997).

345^ No evidence has been found that Mírzá Habíbu’lláh wrote a separate account of Nayríz III.

346^ For a biography see Bámdád, Sharh Hál Rijál Iran, vol. 1, pp. 310–11.

347^ The text lists the following offices: Kalántar, Bíglar-Baykí, and the Nazmiyyih, which are respectively the chief of police, the district administrator and the security forces.

348^ The implication being that during the interim period, the powerful Qavám family had emerged as supporters of constitutional reform. This enabled them to regain their previous prestige and influence.

349^ Qur’án 5:41.

350^ Presumably, a reference to the absolute monarchists.

351^ Political demonstrations in Iran are typically disguised as religious events, particularly associated with the martyrdom of Imám Husayn, which is commemorated in Muharram.

352^ The author’s intent seems to be that the clerical opposition was implying European regimes had inspired the reforms.

353^ Various sources refer to him alternatively as either the Sálár-Mu‘azam or Sardár-Mu‘azam.

354^ See Mu’ayyad, Khátirát Habíb, vol. 1, pp. 89–90, or its translation in Rabbani, Eight Years Near ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, chapter 3, where Dihqán’s safe arrival at Beirut is reported.

355^ According to his biography in Bámdád, Sharh Hál Rijál Iran, vol. 2, pp. 31–34, Ridá-Qulí Khán (AH 1286–1343/AD1869–1924) was the governor of Fárs from 1329 to the beginning of AH 1330 [circa December 1911].

356^ The Sawlatu’d-Dawlih was the chief of the Qashqá’í tribe, and this assassination took place at his instigation.

357^ He was the governor-general of Fárs from AH 1330 to 1333 [1914]; for a biography see Bámdád, Sharh Hál Rijál Iran, vol. 4, pp. 184–87.

358^ ‘Abdu’l-Husayn Mírzá, the second son of Fírúz Mírzá, the Nusratu’d-Dawlih, became the governor-general of Fárs in AH 1336 [1917]; for a biography, see Bámdád, Sharh Hál Rijál Iran, vol. 2, pp. 247–53.

359^ South Persian Regiment.

360^ Fírúz Mírzá, son of ‘Abdu’l-Husayn Mírzá Farmán-Farmá, was an influential politician of the late Qájár and early Pahlaví periods. For a biography, see Bámdád, Sharh Hál Rijál Iran, vol. 3, pp. 114–24.

361^ At the time he was the contact for communications from Tihrán and the Holy Land, and served as the Chairman of the Spiritual Assembly of the Bahá’ís of Shíráz.

362^ Bahá’u’lláh’s Tablet of Shikar-Shikan, The Bahá’í World, vol. 18, p. 11.

363^ This comment needs to be read in the context of a time when in the early years of their formation, Spiritual Assemblies typically functioned without a full grasp of the Bahá’í principle of consultation. It was only later, during the ministry of Shoghi Effendi, that the importance of group decision-making was more fully understood and embraced by the Spiritual Assemblies in Iran.

364^ One of the foremost teachers of the Bahá’í Faith, Nabílzádih had come to Shíráz some time earlier and regularly held very popular firesides meetings at his own residence.

365^ For a biography, see Sulaymání, Masábih Hidáyat, vol. 9, pp. 123–94.

366^ Sh stands for Shamsí, which is a solar-based calendar used mostly in Iran.

367^ At the time, he was a parliamentarian from Jahrum, but the tide of the election was going against him; therefore, he resorted to cheating.

368^ He was the son and the successor of Siyyid ‘Abdu’l-Husayn Lárí, the instigator of the Bahá’í persecutions of 1909 in Nayríz.

369^ The eight Bahá’í martyrs were: Siyyid Husayn Ruhání; Ustád ‘Abbás; Muhammad-Kázim; Muhammad-Hasan; Muhammad-Shafí‘; Mashhadí ‘Abbás; Ustád Muhammad-Hasan; and Muhammad-Ridá.

370^ For some of the reports on this heinous incident, see Moojan Momen, The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844–1944, pp. 465–72.

371^ The old houses in Shíráz had an underground corridor that connected the main entrance to the courtyard. Presumably, a similar passageway is being referred to here.

372^ Parenthetically, A.Q. Afnán notes: “For many years the pistols and clubs confiscated from the attackers were kept in the office of the Spiritual Assembly as a reminder of that incident.”

373^ A.Q. Afnán (private communication, December 1995) clarified that Munajjim was an attorney who served in what today may be considered the general prosecutor’s office.