In the Land of Refuge

70^ Ishráq-Khávarí, Kitáb Muhadhirat, p. 14, notes that Jariyyih was a daughter of Khadíjih, the wife of Muhammad. For a discussion of this Tradition of the Handmaiden attributed to Imám Ja‘far Sádiq, see Kulayni, al-Usul min al-Kafi, vol. 1, pp. 95–96. See also Rieu, Catalogue of the Persian Manuscripts in the British Museum, vol. 1, p. 30.

71^ In the course of the first section of the Báb, Kitáb Panj Sha’n (the Book of Five Modes), p. 9, revealed on the sixth anniversary of His declaration, the Báb describes the night of His declaration in the language of prayer:

“In the name of God. There is no God but God. Sanctified art Thou, O God, My God. I testify that at an hour such as this, Thou hast bestowed honor and exaltation, glory and loftiness upon this night and hast sanctified it above all other nights through Thy Manifestation. This is the hour of the appearance of the Point of Bayán, Who is the sign of Thy dawning, the countenance of Thy morn of eternity, the evidence of Thy unity, the manifestation of Thy oneness, the confirmation of Thy loftiness, the signifier of Thy holiness, and the very essence of the divinity of Thy kingdom. Sanctified and exalted art Thou, that thou hast glorified this hour by creating whatsoever is within the Bayán and by decreeing the manifestation of whatsoever Thou willest. I testify and all things testify that on such a night as this I was at My house before Thy threshold when the first person [i.e., Mullá Husayn] who has tasted the sweetness of Thy love in this Ridván attained to Me. He prostrated himself before Thy effulgence in this Paradise, and with him were the Letters of the Three. At such an hour, Thou didst cause Me to show Myself to him. Sanctified and exalted art Thou for enabling him [i.e., Mullá Husayn] to recognize upon hearkening unto the signs of Thy guidance, and for having created in him a clear vision when I made mention of Thee. Therefore praise and gratitude be to Thee, O My God, a praise the like of which no soul hath offered in the past nor any will offer in the future, and such gratitude as none before hath offered and none will offer in the future, for the first who recognized My person, and for the recognition with which he recognized Me.”

From this passage it is not clear whether the three travel companions of Mullá Husayn also attained the presence of the Báb that very night, or on a later occasion.

72^ Mírzá Habíbu’lláh has added the following marginal note in his own hand: “Áqá Mírzá ‘Alí-Muhammad, the illustrious son of Mullá Muhammad-Sádiq Muqaddas related for me the following description which he had heard from his honored father: ‘No matter how I implored Mullá Husayn [to divulge the name of Him Who claimed to be the promised Manifestation], he refused and would only state that it was forbidden for him to do so and that I must seek Him independently. Disappointed by this response, I proceeded to the room set aside for devotions and performed my ablutions. I spread the prayer mat and began my supplications. I entreated with such earnestness that the tears pouring from my eyes dampened the prayer mat. In the midst of such contemplation and in a state of near-unconsciousness, I beheld the Young Siyyid that I had met in the gathering of late Siyyid [Kázim Rashtí]. He stood over me saying, ‘What do you desire? If you seek Faith, it stands apparent and manifest.’ This experience was repeated twice before dawn. After the third occurrence of this vision, I came to the room where Mullá Husayn was resting. I woke him and said, ‘Mullá Husayn, I have discovered the identity of the Master of this Cause. It must be none other than that same Shirází Siyyid that we met in the ‘Atabát.’ Mullá Husayn responded affirmatively.”

73^ A similar description is provided in Nabíl A‘zam, The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 144–48 relating to the events that befell Quddús, Mullá Sádiq, and Mullá ‘Alí-Akbar Ardistání subsequent to the Báb’s return from pilgrimage.

74^ In his writings, Quddús describes his vision of the Báb some time prior to the Latter’s declaration that enabled him to recognize the promised Manifestation. He further states that on the first day of Jamádíyu’l-Avval [18 May 1844], he left his native town for Shíráz. For a detailed discussion of the life and writings of Quddús, see the present translator’s forthcoming book on this subject, Quddús: Life and Writings.

75^ Among the various eyewitness accounts of Shaykh Tabarsí, the most detailed were recorded by Lutf-‘Alí Mírzá Shirází and Mír Abú-Talib Shahmírzádí. With the Bahá’í World Centre’s consent, the present translator is completing a translation of the latter account.

76^ August–September 1844. The Báb in one of His sermons, known as Khutbih Jaddiyyih, gives the date of His departure from Shíráz as 26 Sha‘bán (10 September 1844); see, Ishráq-Khávarí, Kitáb Muhadhirat, pp. 729–31.

77^ The Báb provides a brief outline of His hajj journey in the Persian Bayán 4:18; for translation see Selections from the Writings of the Báb, pp. 89–91. See also the Persian Bayán 4:16 and 6:17.

78^ From Búshihr, the Báb sent the following letter to His wife in Shíráz (Text quoted in Fayzí, Khándán Afnán, pp. 166–67, the original letter is displayed in the International Bahá’í Archives in Haifa):

O the best of Protectors! In the Name of God, the Exalted.

My sweet life! May thou be guarded by God!

It was not because of sadness that I did not write sooner,

Nor was it due to My heart being sorrowed

Nay, My hand wrote thee,

But My tears washed away the words.

God is My witness that I have been overcome with so much sorrow since our separation that it cannot be described. However, since we are all seized in the grasp of destiny, such has been decreed for us. May the Lord of the world, by the righteousness of the Five Near-Ones, ordain My return.

It is now two days since we arrived in Búshihr. The temperature is extremely hot, but the Lord of creation will protect [us]. Apparently, our ship will sail this very month. May God watch over Us, out of His mercy. At the time of departure, it was not possible to meet My esteemed mother. Therefore, kindly convey My greetings to her and ask for her prayers. Regarding the silk cloth, I will write to Bombay. I am also intent on securing a maidservant for you. God willing, that which is ordained will come to pass. Upon thee rest the peace, favors, and grace of God.

79^ The renowned father of Vahíd Dárábí and one of the most distinguished theologians of his generation. For a detailed discussion of his life and writings, see Rabbani, The Bábís of Nayríz: History and Documents.

80^ According to the Abjad system, ghars has a numerical value of (1000+200+60=)1260, hence signifying the year of the appearance of the Báb.

81^ Qur’án 2:285.

82^ See Nabíl A‘zam, The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 130–41, for further details on the Báb’s hajj journey.

83^ The Báb gives the following chronology of His travels in a Khutbih [Sermon] (Ishráq-Khávarí, Kitáb Muhádirát, pp. 729–31):

Left Shíráz 10 September 1844

Arrived Búshihr 19 September 1844

Left the port 2 October 1844

Reached Mecca 12 December 1844

Hajj Completed 24 December 1844

Left Mecca 7 January 1845

Arrived Medina 16 January 1845

Left Medina 12 February 1845

Arrived Jiddah 24 February 1845

Embarked on ship 27 February 1845

Sailed for Iran 4 March 1845

84^ Meaning, claims to be the Promised One and to be the gate of communication with the Imáms.

85^ About five miles south of Burázján.

86^ In a Tablet dated 24 Jamádíy’th-Thání AH 1261/30 June 1845 to His uncle, Hájí Mírzá Siyyid ‘Alí, the Báb mentions the esteem that the horsemen showed Him during this journey (A.Q. Afnán, private communications, August 1993).

87^ This paragraph is congruent with the narrative of Siyyid Husayn Hamadání; see Táríkh-i Jadíd, p. 203.

88^ For comparison, the Qur’án is slightly more than 6,600 verses.

89^ Qur’án 6:121.

90^ Most likely it is meant bastinado.

91^ See Balyúzí, The Báb, pp. 96–98, for a slightly different translation.

92^ A son of Shaykh Muhammad Záhid [pious] who had served as the Imám-Jum‘ih of Shíráz after his father, Shaykh Abú-Turáb ranked as the foremost divine of the city and was greatly loved and admired by the citizens. He lived for a few years during the reign of Muhammad Sháh in Tihrán but eventually returned to Shíráz where he passed away in 1855; see Bámdád, Sharh Hál Rijál Iran, vol. 1, p. 71.

93^ In the language of prayer, the Báb gives an outline of the events that had befallen Him:

Thou art aware, O My God, that since the day Thou didst call Me into being out of the water of Thy love till I reached fifteen years of age I lived in the land that witnessed My birth [Shíráz]. Then Thou didst enable Me to go to the seaport [Búshihr] where for five years I was engaged in trading with the goodly gifts of Thy realm and was occupied in that which Thou favored Me through the wondrous essence of Thy loving-kindness. I proceeded therefrom to the Holy Land [Karbalá] where I sojourned for one year. Then I returned to the place of My birth. There I experienced the revelation of Thy sublime bestowals and the evidences of Thy boundless grace. I yield Thee praise for all Thy goodly gifts, and I render Thee thanksgiving for all Thy bounties. Then at the age of twenty-five I proceeded to Thy sacred House [Mecca], and by the time I returned to the place where I was born, a year had elapsed. There I tarried patiently in the path of Thy love and beheld the evidences of Thy manifold bounties and loving-kindness until Thou didst ordain for Me to set out in Thy direction and to migrate to Thy presence.

—Selections from the Writings of the Báb, pp. 180–81

94^ For a biography of Manuchihr Khán, see Bámdád, Sharh Hál Rijál Iran, vol. 4, pp. 159–63. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá has revealed a Tablet of Visitation for him wherein it is revealed that visiting his resting-place in Qum is endowed with special spiritual potency.

95^ Fifteen-hundred tumáns represented an extraordinarily large sum of money for that time.

96^ See Fayzí, Hadrat Nuqtih Ulá, pp. 151–53, and Mázandarání, Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, pp. 85–89. In a Tablet (INBMC, vol. 64, p. 115), the Báb describes the governor to Muhammad Sháh as “vicious and sinister” who owing to consummate drunkenness “was never able to pass a sound judgment.”

97^ Presumably, a reference to Hájí Mírzá Siyyid-‘Alí.

98^ Her name was Sultán Bagum, and she was from Jahrum.

99^ For other details on the Báb’s stay in Shíráz, see Nabíl A‘zam, The Dawn-Breakers, chapter 8.

100^ For the most part, the remainder of this section correlates with the narrative of Siyyid Husayn Hamadání, and as such, to the extent possible, the present translation has followed the rendering in Táríkh-i Jadíd, pp. 115–26.

101^ Mírzá Habíbu’lláh has added the following marginal note in his own hand about Vahíd’s visit to Bávanát subsequent to the Shíráz journey: In Bávanát, the Shaykhu’l-Islám of Mazijan, one of the villages of Bávanát, converted, and together they proceeded to Nayríz.

102^ A religious ruling in Shi‘ite Islam issued by a certified cleric.

103^ This should be Fírúz Mírzá.

104^ The people of Kufa by their promise of support induced Imám Husayn to take up arms, but failed Him in the day of need; see, Momen, An Introduction to Shi‘i Islam, pp. 28–33.

105^ A reference to Imám Husayn, from Whom Vahíd descended. On Vahíd’s lineage, see Rabbani, “The Family of Vahíd Dárábí”.

106^ Qur’án 2:156

107^ Mírzá Habíbu’lláh has added in the margin the following notation in his own hand, “known as Áqá Siyyid Ja‘far.” However, either he or someone else has crossed out this comment.

108^ Parenthetically, Mírzá Habíbu’lláh notes: The severed head of the illustrious Vahíd was buried at the foundation of a blessed spot formerly known as Siyyid.

109^ The Basírí is one the Khamsa (Arab) nomad tribes of Fárs and Láristán; see Curson, Persia, vol. 2, p. 114.

110^ This section in the narrative of Siyyid Husayn Hamadání is attributed to Mírzá Áqá Jání of Káshán. However, it is missing from the published Kitáb-i Nuqtatu’l-Kaf. Two possibilities exists: (1) Hamadání was using a text of Mírzá Jání that differed from the Browne’s published version by at least this one section, or (2) Hamadání simply added this material and attributed it to Mírzá Jání, much like other Middle Eastern historiographers who attribute their own writings or poems to earlier recognized figures.

111^ A farsang is six kilometers.

112^ Lit., “the European’s hat,” it is the name of a summer-home of the governor-general of Fárs.

113^ Zaynu’l-‘Abidín Khán did not participate in Nayríz II episode, and in fact, it was his assassination by his Bábí relatives that precipitated the second upheaval in that region in 1852–53.

114^ Hamadání gives this figure as ten thousands; see Táríkh-i Jadíd, p. 130.

115^ In a footnote of Táríkh-i Jadíd, p. 131, Prof. Browne remarks that this section had been a subsequent addition to the original text of Hamadání, which seems a reasonable conclusion. However, Browne identifies “Nabíl” as Mírzá Muhammad Zarandí and refers to A Traveler’s Narrative for details concerning him. The present translator suspects, however, that by Nabíl was meant Mullá Muhammad Qa’iní, surnamed Nabíl Akbar, who in subsequent years had revised the narrative of Siyyid Husayn Hamadání and created what is known as Táríkh Badi‘ Bayání. Therefore, it seems that the Cambridge Codex used by Browne is actually not a narrative of Siyyid Husayn, but rather this revision by Nabíl Akbar. Concerning the latter, see Balyúzí, Eminent Bahá’ís in the Time of Bahá’u’lláh, pp. 112–15, and ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, Memorials of the Faithful, pp. 1–5.

116^ For a discussion of Nayríz-I see Nabíl A‘zam, The Dawn-Breakers, chapter 21. For a documented history of Nayríz see, Rabbani, The Bábís of Nayríz: History and Documents.

117^ Lit., The Proof, one of the formal titles of the Báb. Toward the latter part of His life, the Báb bestowed some of His own titles on His chief disciples. For instance, in 1848 He bestowed the title of “Hadrat-i A‘lá” (His Holiness the Exalted One) on Quddús.

118^ Islamic jurisprudence allows for four permanent wives and any number of concubines. The latter do not typically enjoy the same status as the former.

119^ Nabíl A‘zam, The Dawn-Breakers, p. 578, gives his name as Mihdí and suggests that he died in Shíráz.

120^ Hamadání, Táríkh-i Jadíd, p. 162, notes that anticipating this eventuality, Hujjat had stated, “Suffer no one to remove the diamond ring which I wear on my hand.” Being asked the reason for this injunction, he had replied, “They must cut off my finger as they did that of Husayn ibn ‘Alí ere they can take the ring.”

121^ Born in AH 1226/AD1811, in 1846 he succeeded his father, Mírzá Muhammad-‘Alí, the Mushíru’l-Mulk I, as the vizier of Fárs and served in this capacity for the next 30 years. When Farhád Mírzá, the Mu‘tamidu’d-Dawlih, was appointed governor-general, in collusion with the vizier’s rival, Mírzá ‘Alí-Muhammad Khán, the Qavámu’l-Mulk, he dismissed the Mushír from office and imprisoned him for a short time. Eventually, the Mushír regained his freedom and spent the rest of his days looking after his vast estate. He passed away in 1885. See Bámdád, Sharh Hál Rijál Iran, vol. 1, pp. 39–40.

122^ Several of Bahá’u’lláh’s Tablets to the daughters of Hujjat in Shíráz can be found in INBMC 51:107, nos. 106–7; 51:379, no. 394; 51:380–81, no. 396; and 51:382, no. 398. The last Tablet is addressed to Bíbí Fátimih, and the two preceding it are revealed in honor of Bíbí Ruqiyyih.

123^ Hajíyyih Bíbí Ján was a half-sister of Hájí Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim.

124^ Mázandarání, Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 5, p. 516, states this journey was by Hájí Mírzá Siyyid Muhammad<5> and Mírzá Javád. However, the Afnán family records indicate otherwise.

125^ Nabíl A‘zam, The Dawn-Breakers, p. 446, states that Mírzá Javád died at infancy.

126^ Mázandarání, Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 5, p. 528, states that on this journey he attained the presence of Bahá’u’lláh.

127^ Shoghi Effendi, God Passes By, p. 109, and Balyúzí, Bahá’u’lláh the King of Glory, p. 106, state that Bahá’u’lláh arrived in Baghdad on 8 April 1853.

128^ According to the abjad system, the numerical values of the three letters composing the word Bahá (B, H, and A) are 2, 5 ,and 1, respectively.

129^ For a biography see, Balyúzí, Eminent Bahá’ís in the Time of Bahá’u’lláh, pp. 216–36.

130^ For ease of reference, the entire Tablet is provided below and is a slight modification of the translation appearing in Balyúzí, Eminent Bahá’ís in the Time of Bahá’u’lláh, p. 235; (original Text in INBMC 51:323, no. 326, and Fayzí, Khándán Afnán, p. 201):

Afnán. The honored Mírzá Áqá, upon him rest the Glory of God!

He is God, exalted is He, the Lord of Majesty and Grandeur.

O My Afnán! Upon thee rest My Glory, My Bounty, and My Favor.

Verily, the Servant-in-Attendance [i.e., Mírzá Áqá Ján, Bahá’u’lláh’s amanuensis] came and made mention of thee in Our presence. We therefore extolled thee in such wise as to cause the cities of remembrance and utterance to be set ablaze. Verily, thy Lord is the Supreme Ruler over all things. We have named thee at this moment, Núri’d-Dín. We beseech God that He may ordain for thee that which will draw thee nigh unto Him and be of profit to thee. He, verily, is the All-Gracious, the All-Knowing, the All-Wise.

My affection rest upon thee and those that are with thee who hear thy voice in this mighty Cause.

131^ The original text states “eleven,” however, someone, possibly the author, has crossed it out and written “thirteen” over it. Mázandarání, Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 6, p. 856, gives Núri’d-Dín’s age at the time of conversion as 11 years old. Since the latter source has heavily relied on Mírzá Habíbu’lláh’s account for its information on Fárs, it suggests that Fádil Mázandarání had an early copy of this manuscript in his possession.

132^ As described in the preface, at ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s bidding, Núri’d-Dín prepared a collection of Bahá’u’lláh’s Tablets revealed in his honor and sent a copy to the Holy Land. This densely written compilation is more than 161 pages long.

133^ INBMC 51:318, no. 320, and Fayzí, Khándán Afnán, p. 18.

134^ INBMC 51:320, no. 321.

135^ Núri’d-Dín attained the presence of Bahá’u’lláh after His Declaration and the inauguration of the Bahá’í Faith.

136^ Letters of the Khál Akbar written upon the Báb’s return from the hajj journey and arrival in Búshihr indicate that by May 1845 he had already become a believer, though it is likely that he thought the Báb was only a representative of the Hidden Imám; see Rabbani, “Conversion of the Great Uncle of the Báb,” and appendix 4.

137^ An uncle of Muhammad who rejected and opposed His Mission.

138^ Qur’án 53:39.

139^ A slightly different translation of the above four paragraphs appears in Balyúzí, Eminent Bahá’ís in the Time of Bahá’u’lláh, pp. 220–21.

140^ Mázandarání, Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 5, p. 521, states this discussion took place in Kazimiyn.

141^ See appendix 4 for the text of questions.

142^ Mírzá Habíbu’lláh provides the following marginal note in his own hand:

We did not attain our purpose in Shíráz,

happy the day that Háfiz departs for Baghdad.

Clearly, this poem speaks to the condition of the illustrious Khál, though outwardly it was written by the great mystic [Háfiz].”

143^ See Balyúzí, Bahá’u’lláh the King of Glory, p. 165; Giachery, Shoghi Effendi, pp. 149–50, and Fayzí, Khándán Afnán, pp. 49–56, for discussions of the fate of the original copy of the Book of Certitude.

144^ All other sources, including Bahá’u’lláh’s own testimony, agree however that His Declaration took place on 22 April 1863.