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Suffered Forced Resettlement, and on Safeguarding their Rights” in November 
1989, the Ingush had already revealed their demands by several occasions.
566
 Later 
on, in late March 1990, as a response to those Ingush claims, the Soviet of 
Nationalities of the USSR Supreme Soviet set up a commission, called Belyakov 
Commission, in order to investigate the claims of the Ingush for the land. Nine 
months later, it concluded that the Ingush claim was well founded, and that the 
Prigorodnyi ought to be restored to the Chechen-Ingush ASSR from the North 
Osetian ASSR. It also requested the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR to take the 
matter on its agenda.
567
 
 
During 1990 and 1991, however, the situation became more complex. In the 
first place a split emerged between the Chechens and the Ingush. While Chechens 
were moving towards independence, the Ingush were still looking at Moscow for 
support in the conflict with the Osetians. Nevertheless, the growing weakness of 
the central government in Moscow and its apparent inability to stop the riot only 
complicated this dangerous situation. 
                                                 
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 In the course of 1988 and 1989, Ingush population via a powerful socio-political movement 
called Niiskho (Justice) that was based on national traditions and supported by the clergy and the 
Council of Elders –the heads of the clans (teips)- activated social mobilization among the Ingush. 
“…Niiskho called the first Congress of the Ingush people and made an appeal to the Central 
Committee of the CPSU and the Soviet government to partition the Chechen-Ingushetian Republic 
and restore the Ingushetian Republic to its 1924-34 boundaries, which would include the Malgobek, 
Nazran, Sunzha, and Prigorodnyi districts. In addition to that, the Ingush collected some 60.000 
signatures on petitions in support of Ingush autonomy, and on 29 May 1989 an Ingush deputy to the 
Congress of People’s Deputies in Moscow similarly declared out essential to their culture and 
economic development.” In September 1989, a second Ingush congress in Grozny, also took up this 
appeal once more and reaffirmed that the Prigorodnyi was an unalienable part of Ingushetia, while 
advocating the re-establishment of a separate Ingush territorial entity, apart from the Chechen-
Ingush ASSR. 
567
 See Cornell Small Nations, 412 and Zverev, “Ethnic Conflicts,” 63. 

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Further clashes occurred in March and April 1991, when the armed Ingush 
tried to take over Osetians’ houses in Prigorodnyi. In response, the North Osetian 
Supreme Soviet declared a state of emergency in the district and instituted a 
curfew, document checks, confiscation of illegal weapons and the demolition of 
dwellings built illegally by the Ingush who did not have residence permits 
(propiska) in mid-April. 
Nevertheless, the Russian Supreme Soviet’s “Law on the Rehabilitation of 
Peoples Subjected to Repression” dated 26 April 1991 gave a new departure point 
for the Ingush for insisting their claims on a legal basis. The Ingush deputies to the 
Supreme Soviet were among those who lobbied heavily for the law, the Osetian 
deputies seldom attended the sittings and failed to take part in the debate. From 
then on, the Ingush justified their claims to Prigorodnyi by articles 3 and 6. Article 
6 indicated that former territories of the peoples involved would be restored. 
During a visit to the area in September 1991, Yeltsin also hinted Russian support to 
the Ingush territorial claims. Moreover, the Ingush in order to secure Russian 
support, complied with the Russian desire and did not take part in the Chechen-
Ingush Republic’s elections. In contrast to the Chechen declaration of 
independence, they held their own referendum in November 1991 and 
overwhelmingly supported the establishment of a separate Ingush Republic within 
the Russian Federation including the Prigorodnyi. 
While the Ingush received some encouragement from these developments, 
the North Osetians acted to protect their own interests by imposing state of 
emergency in December 1991, following an Ingush attack on a special police unit. 
This situation was to remain unaltered right up to the events of October 1992. In 

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October, they also took advantage of the Ingush weakness and created a National 
Guard of around 5,000 men, equipped with 20 armoured vehicles. 
 
3- The Conflict and the Confederation: 
The Ingush were among the founding members of the Assembly, but they 
did not take part in the establishment of the Confederation. In contrast, the Osetians 
were the founding members of the Confederation. The Confederation’s role has 
been minor in this conflict, however it is important to note that, it could actually 
have been used as an institutional framework to find a solution to the Prigorodnyi 
conflict, as Russian mediation was unlikely to be objective and disinterested. As it 
is pointed out by Cornell, the Confederation set up a committee to find a solution to 
the conflict and also proposed replacing the Russian peacekeeping forces with a 
joint North Caucasian force, an idea that has been favourably viewed by most 
North Caucasians, and indeed by the Ingush. Although the North Osetian side may 
prefer Russian mediation or rather no mediation at all, given the fact that it was the 
only Christian member of the organization and the closest to Russia, the 
Confederation was an option that was understood in the quest for a resolution.
568
 
 
The Assembly and later the Confederation, closely interested in the events 
in Ingushetia and the clashes between its member peoples. Following the Ingush 
referendum and the increasing tensions with possibility of armed clashes, the 
Confederation in its parliamentary meeting called for a moratorium on 15 
December 1991. With this moratorium the Confederation proposed a peaceful 

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