Pompey's politics and the presentation of his theatre-temple complex, 61-52 bce



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establishing a permanent location for a structure dedicated to entertainment. In re-

sponse to this conservative attitude Pliny (HN 8.7.20) tells us that Pompey held the 

inaugural games of his whole structure as the „dedication of the temple of Venus 

Victrix.” Since Pompey was afraid of the censorial punishment of his memory and 

striving to gain more popularity he did not proclaim it a theatre but merely a temple 

of Venus „underneath which steps of theatre seats were built” (Tert. De spect.10).

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The importance of religion in the political life of Pompey concentrated on the 

impact of the goddess Venus Victrix and precisely her relationship with victory.

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 The 


particular temple vowed by Pompey and dedicated in connection with all his tri-

umphs demonstrated a true religious sense of obligation to the goddess. He rallied 

her support in 80 when he celebrated his first triumph.

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 And, again in 55, at the mo-



ment when his power was at its height, he solemnly dedicated a temple to the goddess. 

 

The ability to harness the power of a principal deity such as Venus was a mat-



ter of personal advantage. The knowledge that Lucretius had dedicated his work On 

the Nature of Things to the influential goddess was not coincidental.

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 This Italian god-



dess was not only acknowledged by Varro (Ling. 6.33) as charming and beautiful, but 

also as a victorious deity for Pompey and a conqueror of nations for the Roman peo-

ple.

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 In the second and first centuries, the belief that Venus gave victory to the 



descendants of the Trojans was exploited by Roman noble families such as the Julia 

and Memmia. These families claimed Venus as their patron goddess of victory and 

divine ancestor by representing her on their personal coins.

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30

 On the ban on permanent theatres and Pompey’s justification for building his theatre, see Beacham 



1999: 61–71; Campbell 2003; and Leach 2004: 102, on P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica’s senatus consultum pro-

hibiting anyone „to offer seats for spectators within a one mile (passus mille) radius of Rome” (Val. Max. 

2.4.2). 

31

 In the hellenistic period, Nike is used for political ends by Alexander the Great and the Diadochi on 



coins, gems, and in military ceremonies (Plut. Sull. 11.1–2; Préaux 1978: 181–183; Cerfaux 1957). The 

goddess is represented in statues and vase paintings but she did not receive her own cult and temple. 

During the Roman republic, Victoria received a temple, cult, and festival rite as early as 294 (Liv. 10.33.9) 

which fully integrated her into the Roman community. For the fundamental differences between modest 

Nike and the practical nature of Roman Victoria, see Weinstock 1957: 212–229. 

32

 Schilling 1954: 285–286. 



33

 Boyancé 1950: 219–221. 

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 The Romans considered Venus to be their privileged representative whose intervention always 



resulted in a triumph. Ever since the first Punic war, when the Romans defeated the Carthaginians at the 

battle of Eryx in Sicily in 248 and occupied the Temple of Venus, Rome’s imperial destiny was 

determined and Venus was elevated to a national deity. They considered themselves as the true 

inheritors of the Venus Erycina cult in Sicily because of their victorious resistance at the summit of 

Mount Eryx. The Romans were under the patronage of the goddess who brought them victory and 

linked them to their Trojan ancestry; Polyb. 1.55, 1.58.7–8, 2.7.9–10; Diod. Sic. 4.83.4; Dion. Hal. AntRom

1.52.3–4, 1.53.1–3; and Schilling 1954: 93–117, 241. Venus had been officially honoured in 217 as a 

participant at the banquet of the gods. Twelve of the most important Roman deities, divided into couples, 

engaged in a religious feast. Appropriately paired with Venus was Mars. The national quality of the two 

partners had been of intrinsic importance for the Romans: Mars was the warrior god and conqueror, 

whereas Venus was the tutelary power and protector. Mars and Venus were Rome’s guardians, inspiring 

their offspring (i.e. the Roman nation) to strive for victory over all; Schilling 1954: 207–208. But none of 

the handful of temples dedicated to Venus prior to Pompey’s was located in the Campus Martius to 

honour Venus’ close association with Mars; For temples and shrines dedicated to Venus see Platner and 

Ashby 1929: 551–555; Schilling 1954: 210–219; Stambaugh 1988: 110, 214. 

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 For families adopting Venus see: Dion. Hal. AntRom. 1.85; R. Schilling, p. 272; Evans 1992: 28, 31, 39, 



152, 153. 


 

 

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Sulla, the soldier and statesman, was driven by a mystical belief in his luck 

and understood the propagandistic worth of divine patronage. He proclaimed him-

self to be the privileged protégé of Venus, not by genealogical descent but by a 

self-determined, autocratic worthiness. The choice of the surname Felix linked Sulla 

personally into a special relationship with Venus. Throughout his career Sulla attrib-

uted his luck to the special protection of his patron goddess. In appreciation for her 

favourable kindness he gave himself the Greek title of „epaphroditos” („favoured by 

Venus”).

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 When Sulla returned to Rome from the East in victory he made an official 



consecration to the goddess who aggrandized his power. He placed himself under the 

auspices of Venus and dedicated a Temple to Venus Felix. The goddess’ name was 

also inscribed beside those of Mars and Victoria, thus emphasizing her victorious 

capabilities (Plut. Sull. 19.9). 

 

To enhance his own popularity, Pompey continued this tradition and added 



his own personal touches. A new boastful modifier (i.e. Victrix) had been added to his 

patron goddess, which expressed his devotion to military success under her protec-

tion.

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 The invocation of Victrix is justified by the Greek myth that Venus was victori-



ous over Minerva and Juno at the judgement of Paris (Ov. Fast. 4.119–124). Similarly, 

Venus was Victrix over Pompey’s Minerva to whom he had vowed during the wars 

against Mithridates, and Rome’s Juno and Minerva, the two great goddesses of the 

state. Pompey took this exploitation to a symbolic height: as the Temple of Venus 

Erycina stood on a hilltop both in Sicily and in Rome so now did Pompey’s Venus 

Victrix at a height equal to the sacred Capitoline hill. Venus dominated the theatre on 

the top of the cavea which served as the staircase to the temple and sponsored the 

three triumphs of Pompey. Venus the victorious was appropriately placed high above 

the realm of her partner Mars, the Campus Martius, surveying the field where battles 

were proclaimed, generals returned in triumph, and triumphal monuments were 

dedicated.

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Pompey’s Temple to Venus Victrix was the product of a theology of victory 

which had been established by Sulla. Pompey’s triumphal career relied on the same 

victorious principles as Sulla’s (principles which would also be adopted by Caesar 

and Augustus): Pompey, like Sulla, was an ambitious general who enhanced his 

power and auctoritas by joining the priestly college of augurs and earned victorious 

favours from Venus.

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 But the one event that Pompey did not possess, which Sulla 



had to his credit, was to have his own ludi victoriae recognized in the Roman calendar. 

 

Sulla had set a precedent by having this obscure Italian goddess suddenly 



intervene in military affairs. Her victorious mystique inspired generals to succeed.

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 It 



is in the cult of Venus that Pompey appears to be the heir of Sulla. Although Pompey 

                                            

36

 Schilling 1954: 272–275, 284–289; Plut. Sull. 3, 6.1–6, 6.9–10, 34.3–5, 35.2; App. BCiv. 1.97; Aul. Gell. NA 



10.15. 

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 According to Sauron (1987: 463) Pompey presented himself as „the representative of Venus of Troy, 



victorious at the judgement of Paris, and by this title protectress of Rome and guarantor of the victories of 

the imperator.” 

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 For complete information regarding the generals, their triumphs, votive temples, commemorative 



porticos, and plundered artwork in the southern Campus Martius refer to: Wiseman 1974: 3–26, Coarelli 

1977: 1–23, and Versnel 1970. 

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 Gagé 1933: 1–43. 



40

 Schilling 1954: 296; Plut. Luc. 12.2–4. 




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