9
was one of the first generals to undermine Sulla’s constitutional policies after his
death, he still admired the former soldier-statesman and thought of him as his role
model. Certain allusions by Cicero show that Pompey constantly thought about
Sulla’s achievements and tried to compare himself to him.
41
When Sulla established his ludi Victoriae Sullanae from October 26 to Novem-
ber 1 in 81 as a permanent event in the religious calendar of Rome he enacted his own
religious holiday in honour of the goddess Victoria and Venus Felix and in honour of
his successful military campaigns. Under his rule Rome was free from its enemies.
42
He held Victoria and Venus, and the qualities of victory they represented, in his exclu-
sive possession. His own ludi guaranteed that his exploits would be remembered by
the Roman people. It was the first time that a Roman general had connected his name
to the sacred ludi, thus displaying a strong desire to be associated with the deities of
victory.
43
Pompey observed the triumphal monopoly Sulla held over the goddess and
his ambition drove him to be greater than his predecessor. Throughout his whole
military career Pompey held extraordinary commands which were hitherto unprece-
dented and facilitated his acceptance into consular office. But it was his membership
in the augurate through which Pompey was able to project his power. As Sulla did
before him, Pompey placed the augural priesthood at the foundation of his power and
authority (Cic. Leg. Man. 10.28). Along with his military know-how and personal
merit Pompey exhibited extraordinary luck (felicitas). According to Cicero (Leg. Man.
16.47–49), Pompey was favoured by the gods and inspired by the victorious aspect of
Sulla’s felicitas which corresponded to Pompey’s luck.
44
Pompey’s
supreme
imperium had been directed by a sense of public duty and
inspired by the theological belief that his power was justified under the worship of
Venus, her association with victory, felicitas, and the augural priesthood. Cicero (Leg.
2.12.31–33) pointed out the great powers of the augurs: „the most highly esteemed
and most distinguished duty in the republic is that of the augurs, since it is a position
linked to auctoritas.” A similar passage in his work the Republic (2.9.16) praises the
obedience that must be shown toward the importance of the auspices.
The functions which Pompey’s temple fulfilled are revealed by the qualities of
the name Victrix. It served as a reminder of the extraordinary overseas victories
achieved by the general. As the architectural focus of the building complex, the tem-
ple dominated Rome’s first stone theatre and the enclosed colonnaded space which
expressed Pompey’s ambitious interests.
45
41
Cic. Att. 9.7.3, 9.10.2, 9.10.6.
42
Sulla was victorious in the First Mithridatic War (88–84), and when he returned to Rome in 82 he
defeated Marcellus at the battle of the Colline gate thus ending the Civil war. He celebrated a triumph for
his eastern campaigns on January 27 and 28, 81.
43
Sulla’s festival was the first addition in 92 years (since 173) to the group of six traditional ludi which the
Roman Republic had decreed in honour of the gods. The fact that his ludi lasted well into the Empire
affirms that the Roman people never forgot Sulla’s name.
44
Gagé 1933: 40–41.
45
Pompey was one of the first Republican generals at Rome to exhibit allegorical statues which
personified the nations he conquered (Suet. Ner. 46). Precedent was found in the Hellenistic centres of
Pergamum, Alexandria and Antioch whose statuary commemorated victorious battles (Boardman 1985:
108). Pompey had been influenced by this Hellenistic monumental sculpture and a popular name for a
10
By placing the whole construction under the protection of Venus Victrix
Pompey recognized the role religion played in the festival celebrations. And if he
intended to continue to celebrate his own ludi victoriae he needed a powerful cult
under which to dedicate the games. Pompey might have wanted to follow Sulla’s lead
since the latter had incorporated and celebrated the ludi victoriae Sullanae in the Circus
Flaminius region of the Campus Martius. The same area where Pompey built his
theatre complex.
Did Pompey the Great want his theatre to be primarily a setting for the
celebration of his own ludi victoriae in connection with Venus Victrix? Unlike con-
temporary Roman noble families, Pompey was not concerned with claiming Venus as
a divine ancestor. When he married Caesar’s daughter, he chose not to take the op-
portunity to exploit the divine lineage of the Julian family. Pompey did not follow the
trend of depicting Venus on the coinage he issued under his own name which would
have been a sure sign of interest in divine ancestry.
46
Pompey was only concerned
with Venus’ victorious aspect.
In commemoration of the foundation of the new Venus cult, a denarius was
issued in 54 by Faustus Sulla, Pompey’s son-in-law. On the obverse side of the coin,
Venus Victrix is adorned with the appropriate symbols of military victory: a diadem,
laurels, and a sceptre. On the reverse, three trophies represent Pompey’s three tri-
umphs over Africa, Europe, and Asia. According to Cassius Dio (42.18.3) these were
the same three trophies displayed on Pompey’s signet ring. In addition, the sacred
ewer and staff represented on the coin symbolize Pompey’s dignity as an augur.
47
After resolving two years of intense civil strife in Rome in 52, Pompey held his third
consulship and as augur made an offering to the goddess Victoria in the Temple of
Venus Victrix on August 12 (Aul. Gell. NA 10.1.7). He was so preoccupied with the
power of Venus Victrix that on the eve of the battle of Pharsalus (in 48) he „dreamed
that the people applauded when he walked into his theatre and that he adorned the
Temple of Venus Victrix with many spoils of war” (Plut. Pomp. 68.2). Since it was
always the custom to observe the anniversary of any important temple with a festival
Pompey might have attempted to establish his own ludi victoriae Pompeianae in honour
of Venus Victrix.
48
The temple as well as the whole complex functioned as a museum advertising
Pompey’s connection with Venus and the other divinities representing the qualities he
needed for his victories. Among other dedications were trophies, statues, and paint-
ings.
49
The nature of the deity made the location in the Campus Martius appropriate.
certain section of the portico was porticus ad nationes, an area which glorified his conquest of the
Mediterranean lands and beyond (Plin. HN 36.4.41).
46
Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1.85; Schilling 1954: 272; Evans 1992: 28, 31, 39, 152–153.
47
For a representation of Pompey’s coin, see Grueber 1970: 489 and plate 48, #22.
48
The temple was the site of annual religious ceremonies. Pompey, as augur, presided at the sacrifices,
made dedications and took the auspices from this site. The victorious general proudly displayed his
triumphal sceptres and wreaths in the temple alongside some of the military standards obtained from the
enemy (Charles-Picard 1957: 181–190, Prop. 2.32.11–12). Thus, the temple acted as a triumphal armory.
49
Pliny (HN 35.35.59, 35.37.114, 35.40.126, 35.40.132) provides a description of the wall paintings and
sculptures, all located in exedrae and between columns in the portico. Along with his collection of gems
and precious stones, Pompey was also a passionate collector of extraordinary works of art by famous
Greek painters and sculptors of the fifth and fourth centuries. He displayed most of them in his
monumentum but also in other temples throughout Rome (such as the Temples of Hercules and Minerva).
11
She was in the same area as the other war gods such as Bellona, Mars, Jupiter Stator,
and Juno Sospita. The temple represented Rome’s contact with the outside world.
Pompey placed the temple high above the complex for its visual impact and powerful
propaganda. The Temple of Venus Victrix, in a dominant axial position at the west
end of the complex, joined divine victory with a new and useful public space just
outside the Roman forum.
These functions reflect Venus’ role as goddess of victory, and with every vic-
tory came triumph and entertainment. The solemn day of dedication of this large
temple would have been observed each year with a proclamation of a day of celebra-
tion. Since the celebrations would be in honour of Venus, then, in effect, the festival
would theoretically be considered as ludi victoriae. The Circus Flaminius region would
have been appropriate since this was already the area where Sulla’s victory games
were celebrated. But in order to have his own public games incorporated into the
Roman calendar Pompey would have had to gain the senate’s approval. One particu-
lar way he attempted to do this was by honouring the senators with the construction
of another senate house attached to his complex beyond the Roman forum.
The
ludi victoriae of both Sulla in 81 and Caesar in 46 were dedicated in honour
of the end of civil strife and symbolized the restoration of Roman order. Similarly by
52, Pompey became sole consul and de facto dictator in everything but name. He held
a wide ranging command and helped to put an end to the civil disorder by passing
numerous laws and by having Milo prosecuted for Clodius’ murder.
50
In appreciation
for having secured the support of the senate and re-establishing a state of order he
made a sacrifice in the Temple of Venus.
If Pompey had been concerned with pre-eminence, then he would have fol-
lowed Sulla’s lead and try to institute his own victory games.
51
The festival would
have been appropriately celebrated each year on the date of the temple’s dedication
(August 12) — except that the tense political situation in Rome between the optimates
and dynasts did not yet warrant adequate justification for Pompey’s victory games.
52
When Caesar dismissed the senate’s ultimatum to relinquish his commands in Gaul
and in defiance crossed the Rubicon in early January 49, Pompey was invited by the
senate to defend the Republic.
After the completion of Pompey’s theatre-complex, Cicero stressed that great
virtues had to be displayed to the public in great theatres ( Rab. Post. 42). Anyone who
sought immortality had to perform great achievements which ultimately would be
governed by the people’s ability to recollect them effectively. Everyone in Rome ob-
served that Pompey’s theatre complex was an original Roman design worthy of much
praise.
53
This extraordinary monument had a town-like quality where all classes of
Among the tabulae in the portico there was a painted battle scene by Polygnotos of Thasos; a painting of
Cadmos and Europe attributed to Antiphilos; a large picture by Pausias of the sacrifice of oxen; and
Nicias the Younger painted the great Alexander and a seated Calypso. Narrative triumphal paintings or
friezes (tabulae triumphales) of military victories were gazed at and admired by passers-by and young
men aspiring to continue the Roman tradition of victory; see Kuttner 1999.
50
Rawson 1978: 140–141; Taylor 1949: 148–152.
51
Cf. Knight 1968: 878–883.
52
Taylor 1949: 152–161.
53
The Greek geographer Strabo was so impressed with the beauty of the theatre complex that he
commented how Pompey „had outdone all others in his zeal for buildings and expense incurred” (5.3.8).
The building complex was so unique that 250 years after its construction Dio Cassius (39.38.1) reports
12
people could gather.
54
It symbolized his quest to „always be the best and excel over
others.”
55
The Roman Alexander exerted his powers as a Republican princeps and
allowed no one to be equal to him (Luc. 1.103–126). The monument helped him gain
recognition and was a channel for self-glorification which reminded everyone in
Rome of Pompey’s extraordinary military achievements. It could be seen from any
hilltop in Rome. The power of the goddess Venus Victrix in her own temple situated
on the summit of the cavea indicated Pompey’s triumph „over the whole world.”
56
It
exemplified the competitive Roman spirit which drove generals and politicians to be
the best, greatest and first above all.
57
It added a new aspect to Rome’s urban
topography and set the standard for the monumental architecture of the imperial age.
The theatre complex reinforced the republican idea that the pursuit of individual
honour and glory was urged on by an intense desire for fame and popularity.
Dr. Mark A. Temelini
Department of Classics, Modern Languages & Linguistics
Concordia University
Montreal, Canada
E-mail: markteme@alcor.concordia.ca
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