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ars to investigate and explain; but only to repeat and en-
force in an intelligible manner the truths already acquired.
Baumgarten, indeed, accounted it nothing less than high trea-
son against his discipline, for his scholars to presume to think
and examine for themselves; and acknowledged him only for
his genuine discipline, who left his school confi dent, that with
the weapons of his instructer in his hands, he could resist the
whole theological world, and overcome it without a violent
struggle.”* Philosophy was considered as a pest and its pre-
cincts forbidden to all pious souls. Ecclesiastical history was
in the service of a mystical Pietism; its real province and gen-
uine sources were unknown. Exegetical learning was thought
unnecessary, and even a foe to genuine piety; the chimeras of
Buxtorf, half Jewish, half Christian, ruled with despotic sway.
Langen’s method of salvation was esteemed an oracle in dog-
matic theology, and pietistic and fanatical notions prevailed in
morals. If a man was not satisfi ed with this, or showed a desire
for more fundamental theological learning, it was said, “He
has forsaken his fi rst love and wants to study his Saviour out
of the world.Ӡ Such was Germany a hundred years ago. The
fate of Lawrence Schmid, the “Wertheim Translator” of part
of the Pentateuch, is a well known sign of the times. A young
man was accused of Socinianism, and Arianism, because he
doubted the genuineness of the celebrated passage, 1 John v.
7, now abandoned by all respectable critics; he was reckoned
unsound because he openly, or in secret, studied Richard Si-
mon, Grotius, Leclerc, and Wetstein. ‡
Let us now turn to England. Before this time the Deists had
* Eichhorn, Allgemeine Bibliothek, &c.; Leip., 1793. vol. V. pp. 16, 17.
We have followed the beautiful translation in “The General Repository
and Review.” Cambridge, 1812. vol. I. p. 65, seq.
† Eichhorn, lc. vol. III, p. 833, seq.
‡ See Semler’s Lebenbeschreibung; Halle, 1781, vol. I. p. 250, seq. et
passim.
opened their voice; Hobbs, Morgan, Collins, Chubb, Tindal,
Bolingbroke, had said their say. The civil wars of England,
in the century before, had awakened the soul of the nation.
Great men had risen up, and given a progress to the Prot-
estant Reformation, such as it found in no other country of
the world perhaps, unless it were in Transylvania and Hol-
land. There had been a Taylor, Cudworth, Secker, Tillotson,
Hoadly, Hare, Lardner, Foster, Whitby, Sykes, Butler, Ben-
son, Watts, — yes, a Newton and a Locke, helping to liberalize
theology. The works of Montaigne, Malebranche, Bayle, even
of Spinoza, had readers in England, as well as opponents.
The English theologians stood far in advance of the Ger-
mans, among whom few great names were to be reckoned af-
ter the Reformation. Take the century that ended in the year
of Baumgarten’s death, and you have the period of England’s
greatest glory in science, literature, and theology. The works
which give character to the nation were written then. Most of
the English theology, which pays for the reading, was written
before the middle of the last century; while in Germany, few
books had been written on that general theme since the six-
teenth century, which are now reprinted or even read. Such
was England a century ago.
What have the two countries done since? Compare Taylor’s
Liberty of Prophesying, the writings of Cudworth, Locke, But-
ler, and Tillotson, or Foster, with the writings of the men who
occupy a similar relative position at this day, — with the gen-
eral tone of the more liberal writers of England, — and what is
the result? Need it be told? Theology, in the main body of Eng-
lish theologians, has not been stationary. It has gone back. The
works of Priestley, and others like him, bear little fruit.
Now in Germany, since the death of Baumgarten, there has
been a great advance. Compare the works of Neander, Bretsch-
neider, De Wette, and F. C. Bauer, with Baumgarten, and
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“the great theologians” of his time, and what a change. New
land has been won; old errors driven away. It is not in vain,
that Michaelis, Semler, Eichhorn, Kant, Schelling, Hegel, and
Schleiermacher, have lived. Men study theology as the English
once studied it, — as if they were in earnest. New questions
are raised; old doubts removed; some principles are fi xed; and
theology studied as a science, in the light of reason. But as an-
other has said, “In the English theology there is somewhat
dead, and immovable, catholic, external, mechanical; while
the industrial power of England is active, and goes ahead with
giant strides, from invention to invention; while the commer-
cial and warlike spirit of the a nation goes storming forth, with
manly and almost frantic courage, into the remotest distance,
embracing the globe with its gigantic arms, and in the midst
of its material concerns, pursues without wearying the inter-
ests of science, too haughty to disturb itself about the truth of
religions foreign to its concerns; Theology remains, as it were,
to represent the female element in the mind of the nation, sit-
ting at home, domestic as a snail, in the old-fashioned narrow
building she has inherited from her fathers, which has been
patched up a little, here and there, as necessity compelled.
There she sits, anxiously fearing, in her old-womanly way, lest
she shall be driven out of doors by the spirit of enlightened Eu-
rope, which sports with heathen religions. In English theology
a peace has been established between the Understanding and
Christianity, as between two deadly foes. Theology preserves
unhurt the objective contents of the Christian Religion; but in
the dull understanding, it lies like a stone in the stomach.” But
let us now turn to the work of Mr. Strauss.
It is not our aim to write a polemic against the author of
the “Life of Jesus,” but to describe his book or “defi ne his posi-
tion,” as the politicians are wont to say. The work in question
comprises, fi rst, an Introduction, relating to the formation of
“the Mythical stand-point,” from which the Evangelical his-
tory is to be contemplated; second, the main work itself, which
is divided into three books, relating respectively to the History
of the Birth and Childhood of Jesus; his Public Life; his Suffer-
ings, Death, and Resurrection; third, a conclusion of the whole
book, or the doctrinal signifi cance of the life of Jesus. The work
forms two closely printed volumes, and comprises about six-
teen hundred pages, thus making a work nearly as large as Mr.
Hallam’s History of Literature. It is not properly called a Life
of Jesus; but a better, a more descriptive title would be, A Fun-
damental Criticism on the Four Gospels. In regard to learn-
ing, acuteness, and sagacious conjectures, the work resembles
Niebuhr’s History of Rome. Like that, it is not a history, but
a criticism and collection of materials, out of which a conjec-
tural history may be constructed. Mr. Strauss, however, is not
so original as Niebuhr, (who yet had numerous predecessors,
though they are rarely noticed,) but is much more orderly and
methodical. The general manner of treating the subject, and
arranging the chapters, sections, and parts of the argument,
indicates consummate dialectical skill; while the style is clear,
the expression direct, and the author’s openness in referring
to his sources of information, and stating his conclusions in all
their simplicity, is candid and exemplary.*
The Introduction to the work is valuable to every student
of the Scriptures, who has suffi cient sagacity to discern be-
tween the true and the false; to any other it is dangerous, as
are all strong books to weak heads, very dangerous, from its
“specious appearances.” It is quite indispensable to a compre-
hension of the main work. We will give a brief abstract of some
of its most important matters. If a form of religion rest on
* He professes very honestly, that he has no presuppositions. We shall
touch upon this point.