[184] The Great Transformation
working-class problem. British writers have found it difficult to com-
prehend the terrible impression that early capitalistic conditions in
Lancashire made on Continental observers. They pointed to the even
lower standard of life of many Central European artisans in the textile
industries, whose conditions of work were often perhaps just as bad as
those of their English comrades. Yet such a comparison obscured the
salient point, which was precisely the rise in the social and political
status of the laborer on the Continent in contrast to a fall in that status
in England. The Continental laborer had not passed through the de-
grading pauperization of Speenhamland nor was there any parallel in
his experience to the scorching fires of the New Poor Law. From the
status of a villein he changed—or rather rose—to that of a factory
worker, and very soon to that of an enfranchised and unionized
worker. Thus he escaped the cultural catastrophe which followed in
the wake of the Industrial Revolution in England. Moreover, the Con-
tinent was industrialized at a time when adjustment to the new pro-
ductive techniques had already become possible, thanks, almost ex-
clusively, to the imitation of English methods of social protection.*
The Continental worker needed protection not so much against
the impact of the Industrial Revolution—in the social sense there
never was such a thing on the Continent—as against the normal ac-
tion of factory and labor market conditions. He achieved it mainly by
the help of legislation, while his British comrades relied more on vol-
untary association—trade unions—and their power to monopolize
labor. Social insurance came, relatively, very much sooner on the Con-
tinent than in England. The difference was readily explained by the
Continental's political bent, and by the comparatively early extension
of the vote to the working masses on the Continent. While economi-
cally the difference between compulsory and voluntary methods of
protection—legislation versus unionism—can be easily overrated,
politically its consequences were great. On the Continent trade unions
were a creation of the political party of the working class; in England
the political party was a creation of the trade unions. While on the
Continent unionism became more or less socialist, in England even
political socialism remained essentially trade unionist. Universal
suffrage, therefore, which in England tended to increase national
unity, had sometimes the opposite effect on the Continent. There,
* Knowles, L., Industrial and Commercial Revolutions in Great Britain during the
Nineteenth Century, 1926.
Market and Man [185]
rather than in England, did Pitt's and Peel's, Tocqueville's and Ma-
caulay's prophecies come true that popular government would involve
a danger to the economic system.
Economically, English and Continental methods of social protec-
tion led to almost identical results. They achieved what had been in-
tended: the disruption of the market for the factor of production
known as labor power. Such a market could serve its purpose only if
wages fell together with prices. In human terms such a postulate im-
plied for the worker extreme instability of earnings, utter absence of
professional standards, abject readiness to be shoved and pushed
about indiscriminately, complete dependence on the whims of the
market. Mises justly argued that if workers "did not act as trade union-
ists, but reduced their demands and changed their locations and occu-
pations according to the requirements of the labour market, they
could eventually find work." This sums up the position under a system
based on the postulate of the commodity character of labor. It is not
for the commodity to decide where it should be offered for sale, to
what purpose it should be used, at what price it should be allowed to
change hands, and in what manner it should be consumed or de-
stroyed. "It has occurred to no one," this consistent liberal wrote, "that
lack of wages would be a better term than lack of employment, for
what the unemployed person misses is not work but the remuneration
of work." Mises was right, though he should not have claimed original-
ity; 150 years prior to him Bishop Whately said: "When a man begs for
work he asks not for work but for wages." Yet, it is true that technically
speaking "unemployment in the capitalist countries is due to the fact
that the policy both of the government and of the trade unions aims at
maintaining a level of wages which is out of harmony with the existing
productivity of labour." For how could there be unemployment, Mises
asked, but for the fact that the workers are "not willing to work at the
wages they could get in the labour market for the particular work they
were able and willing to perform?" This makes clear what the employ-
ers' demand for mobility of labor and flexibility of wages really means:
precisely that which we circumscribed above as a market in which hu-
man labor is a commodity.
The natural aim of all social protection was to destroy such an in-
stitution and make its existence impossible. Actually, the labor market
was allowed to retain its main function only on condition that wages
and conditions of work, standards and regulations should be such as
[186] The Great Transformation
would safeguard the human character of the alleged commodity, la-
bor. To argue that social legislation, factory laws, unemployment in-
surance, and, above all, trade unions have not interfered with the mo-
bility of labor and the flexibility of wages, as is sometimes done, is to
imply that those institutions have entirely failed in their purpose,
which was exactly that of interfering with the laws of supply and de-
mand in respect to human labor, and removing it from the orbit of
the market.
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