[190] The Great Transformation
emphatically asserted—were the goods of every day life regularly
bought and sold."* Surpluses of grain were supposed to provision the
neighborhood, especially the local town; corn markets up to the fif-
teenth century had a strictly local organization. But the growth of
towns induced landlords to produce primarily for sale on the market
and—in England—the growth of the metropolis compelled authori-
ties to loosen the restrictions on the corn trade and allow it to become
regional, though never national.
Eventually agglomeration of the population in the industrial
towns of the second half of the eighteenth century changed the situa-
tion completely—first on a national, then on a world scale.
To effect this change was the true meaning of free trade. The mobi-
lization of the produce of the land was extended from the neighboring
countryside to tropical and subtropical regions—the industrial-
agricultural division of labor was applied to the planet. As a result,
peoples of distant zones were drawn into the vortex of change the
origins of which were obscure to them, while the European nations
became dependent for their everyday activities upon a not yet ensured
integration of the life of mankind. With free trade the new and tre-
mendous hazards of planetary interdependence sprang into being.
The scope of social defense against all-round dislocation was as broad
as the front of attack. Though common law and legislation speeded up
change at times, at others they slowed it down. However, common law
and statute law were not necessarily acting in the same direction at any
given time.
In the advent of the labor market common law played mainly a
positive part—the commodity theory of labor was first stated em-
phatically not by economists but by lawyers. On the issue of labor
combinations and the law of conspiracy, too, the common law favored
a free labor market, though this meant restricting the freedom of asso-
ciation of organized workers.
But, in respect to land, the common law shifted its role; it first en-
couraged, later opposed change. During the sixteenth and seven-
teenth centuries, more often than not common law insisted on the
* Biicher, K.,
Entstehungder Volkswirtschaft, 1904. Cf. also Penrose, E. R,
Population
Theories and Their Application, 1934; quotes Longfield, 1834, for the first mention of the
idea that movements of commodities maybe regarded as substitutes for movements of
the factors of production.