wrest it away from Romania. Einzatzgruppe D served this purpose well in Bessarabia.
It, perhaps, even initiated it. Its basic strategy was to destroy the Romanian
administration. It was not a difficult task since the Romanian clerks were prone to
corruption. The German reports indicate that the Romanians were not anti-Semitic
enough and that the local population received them much more happily than they had
the Romanians. As a result, there was a sort of competition between the Germans and
the Romanians to see who could be crueler towards the Jews. This fact explains the
terrible behavior of the Romanians towards the Jews as they did not want to give up
Bessarabia to the Germans.
The Einzatzgruppe were not reticent and robbed belongings of the deported Jews. In
February 1942 watches and valuables were confiscated during a mass execution.
Some of the valuables were sent to Berlin and the rest was divided among the
Einzatzgruppe members and their collaborators in the Wermacht. Some of the watches
were sold and the money was used to pay salaries.
DEPORTATION OF THE JEWS OF BESSARABIA TO TRANSNISTRIA
The deportation of the Jews of Bessarabia across the Dniester was done in two stages.
The first stage, in July-August 1941, was full of cruel acts. The Tighina agreement
about Transnistria was signed on August 30 of that year. The Romanian authorities
were clear in their intentions. During a speech given on July 3, 1941 by the vice prime
minister Mikhai Antonescu, to government functionaries, it was announced that the
ethnic cleansing – these are his words-will be done by deportation or isolation in labor
camps. This would be done to the Jews and to other nationalities whose loyalty is in
question. There could also be enforced emigration, if necessary. This would be
announced by the provincial authorities and would be directed at the Jews.
From the end of July 1941 the Jews of Bessarabia were deported to the eastern banks
of the Dniester. The commander of the gendarmes in Czernowitz reported that 20,000
Jews were deported from Khotin district to the other side of the Dniester. At the
beginning of August the gendarmes from Soroka sent 12,000 Jews to the eastern side
of the Dniester.
At the same time the Romanian reports inform us that the Germans were refusing to
accept the Jews in Mogilev Podolsk and that those sent across the Dniester were being
sent back to Bessarabia. Einzatzcommand 10b reported that on August 26 6,000 Jews
from Mogilev were returned to Bessarabia and many of them were murdered. The
actual number of those killed during August will probably never be known. The
Germans shot them in place and the Romanians shot them when they returned from
the other side of the river so there would be very few Jews left.
The reason given for returning the deportees to the other side of the Dniester,
according to historian Brozati, is that the area on the eastern banks of the river (soon
to be called Transnistria) was closer to the front and there was still military activity
there.
In spring 1942 the Germans tried to repeat the event. This time they attempted to
send the Jews from Transnistria across the Bug River to areas held by the Germans.
Eichmann himself intervened since this was against the systematic destruction
philosophy of the Germans. On April 14, 1942 Eichmann demanded from the German
Foreign Ministry to inform the Romanian government that, with the assistance of the
secret police, he will stop all “illegal” transports across the Bug. Eichmann also
stressed that the German army would suffer great losses if hordes of Jews would arrive
there. There were also difficulties in providing supplies and all this would undermine
the plan to rid Germany of Jews.
There is not much information about the first stage of deportation. One witness
account describes the concentration of the Jews of Bricheni and Lipkany in Edinets
towards the end of July 1941. They were sent on foot through Ataki to Mogilev. They
walked for three days, including the children, a distance of 55 km. In the villages of
Rusan and Climautsi they were robbed by local peasants and Romanian gendarmes.
Many died on the way. At the end of the month the caravan reached Mogilev where
there were Jews from Secureni and Noua-Sulitsa. In Mogilev there were about 20,000
deportees. They were left outside of the town, without any guards, without food or a
place to sleep. A week later saw the arrival of SS men and Ukrainian police. They
evicted the witness and other deportees a distance of 6 km to the village of Scazineti.
There they were put in abandoned barracks, without guards. They had to find food in
the fields. Two weeks later they were brought back to Mogilev to again cross the
Dniester back to Bessarabia. The Romanians opposed their return. The deportees
found out that the first groups that were returned to Bessarabia were shot by the
Romanians. The group was sent back to Scazineti where they remained until the end
of August. Again the SS men arrived and sent them through winding roads back to
Bessarabia. This time they crossed the Dniester at Yampol. After 4 days of marching
along the river, many of the deportees were murdered by the SS men. Another witness
reports that the waters of the Dniester were filled with bodies of those murdered and
those who drowned.
In Bessarabia the returnees were received in Coshautsi by Romanian gendarmes. They
again robbed the deportees and raped the women. The next day a commission from
Soroka arrived in Coshautsi and confiscated any valuables still left. They were then
divided into groups and transferred in various ways to Vertujeni. Their escorts did not
even allow them a drink of well water and they had to satisfy their thirst from the
puddles along the road.
On August 30 the “agreement to cleanse” was signed in Tighina- to deport Jews to the
new territory which would be under Romanian watch, but supervised by the Germans.
It will be called Transnistria. This was the beginning of the second phase of
evacuation, planned by the Germans. According to the Tighina agreement the
Romanians were obliged to lock the Jews in concentration camps.
The Romanian military government only began to function in September and October
of 1941. The area was under German supervision before that. On September 1, 1941,
the general commander of the police sent a secret telegram to the commander of the
gendarmes in Tighina telling him that as of September 6 the evacuation of the Jews
would begin. They would go in groups of 1,000. Gendarmes were needed to
accompany them as well as wagons for baggage. The Romanian military command
demanded from the gendarmerie to give an exact number of Jews in the camps of
Bessarabia. The exchange of letters about the topic indicates that there was an order,
probably given orally by Antonescu, to begin evacuation on September 15. In fact the
evacuation began on September 16, 1941 when a caravan of 22,150 Jews left Vertujeni
according to the plan. The rows of evacuees moved along previously designed routes.
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