1997). By threatening the political future
of incumbent political elites, economic decline,
or the prospect of it, often compels governments to restore the conditions favouring
growth, particularly since growth will allow distribution to take place with fewer costs
than under conditions of generalised economic decline. The rest of this paper employs the
analytical framework developed above to account for developments in AFTA.
AFTA: Encompassing Both Open and Developmental Regionalism
AFTA has generally been explained as a project of open regionalism aimed at
attracting FDI to member economies through the carrot of the single regional market.
11
Globalisation had by the early 1990s significantly altered patterns and flows of FDI and
increased worldwide competition for it. By 1991-92, the surge of FDI into ASEAN
particularly from its traditional sources in the OECD countries, Taiwan and Hong Kong
had moderated, flowing instead to China (Hay, 1996). This raised considerable concern
among ASEAN governments as FDI was a crucial source of growth, and had helped these
countries emerge from the disastrous economic and political consequences of the mid-
1980s recession. The ASEAN governments attempted through AFTA to offer foreign
investors who were increasingly practising a regional division of labour an alternative
regional space of investment/production vis-à-vis China. China by itself offered investors
a potentially competing ‘regional’ investment site in the Asia-Pacific region (Baldwin,
1997: 3), and was regarded by all the core ASEAN countries as their primary competitor
for FDI. Specifically, it was the tariff liberalisation component programme of AFTA (the
CEPT, or Common Effective Preferential Tariff scheme) that members employed to define
a distinctive space of production for global capital in the wider Asia-Pacific region. It
was, thus, the growth imperative that drove the turn to open regionalism in AFTA.
Yet, when the ASEAN Investment Area (AIA) was formally adopted as a
component programme within AFTA in October 1998, it stipulated that full market access
and national treatment privileges in the manufacturing sector would be accorded to
ASEAN investors by 2010 and to all foreign investors only in 2020. Later, its coverage
was extended to include agriculture, forestry, fisheries, mining, as well as services
incidental to all these sectors. Although the AIA programme was accelerated in 1999,
11
See, among others Ravenhill (1995) and Bowles and MacLean (1996).
10
only ASEAN investors were to be accorded full market access and national treatment
privileges at the earlier dates of 2003 in manufacturing and 2010 in the other sectors.
Foreign (non-ASEAN) investors would receive these benefits only in 2020 as originally
scheduled.
Some scholars advise against reading too much into the AIA distinction between
ASEAN and non-ASEAN or foreign investors since they contend
that it is irrelevant or
redundant in the first place due to essentially liberal FDI regimes in ASEAN.
12
This
argument can be challenged in two ways. First, if the distinction is indeed irrelevant, the
question of why policymakers would choose to make it in the first place needs to be
answered. It is insufficient to assume that policymakers were acting irrationally or were
misinformed, since the implications of instituting such a distinction were actively debated
during the three years of discussions leading up to the formal adoption of the AIA
Agreement in 1998, and continued to be debated from its adoption until September 2001
when this particular clause was dropped. Clearly, there were some quarters for whom the
distinction was salient. Moreover, when member governments revised the terms of the
AIA Agreement in 1999, a year after its initial adoption, they continued to privilege
ASEAN investors over foreign investors. Second, the argument that the foreign-ASEAN
distinction is irrelevant or redundant is easily challenged on empirical grounds. Foreign
investors continued to face investment restrictions in many of the original ASEAN
countries during the 1990s in selected sectors and in particular policy areas despite
liberalisation of FDI regimes, thus making the AIA distinction between domestic and
foreign investors significant. This was especially true for the non-manufacturing sectors
where fairly restrictive FDI conditions prevailed. These restrictions ranged from equity
ownership conditions, market access to certain sectors, land ownership regulations, and
access to domestic sources of funds.
13
Another possible explanation, and one that can be accommodated within the open
regionalist framework, is that the AIA Agreement constituted an additional tool to
reinforce AFTA as a means to attract FDI to the region. The temporary discrimination of
non-ASEAN/foreign investors was simply a way of offering domestic capital in the
12
Menon (1998: 18) subscribes to this view.
13
Only in Indonesia were the restrictions on FDI minimal, which made the ASEAN/non-ASEAN investor
distinction in this country somewhat irrelevant. See Nesadurai (2001: 164-72).
11