the development of domestic capital through regionalism.
We may regard the concern
with domestic capital as a preoccupation with distribution, or with the selective allocation
of economic benefits including rents to domestic businesses, in contrast with the
generalised growth/efficiency imperative that underpins open regionalism. Nevertheless,
concern with growth/efficiency is not absent either in developmental regionalism. Rather,
the growth imperative is infused with distributive concerns. Developmental regionalism
is, therefore, not about resisting globalisation completely, but neither is it about complete
acquiescence to global market forces. Instead, it encompasses a period of temporary and
limited resistance to aspects of globalisation through which attempts are made to build
capabilities to enable domestic businesses to eventually participate in global market
activities. This model of regionalism, therefore, allows us to consider departures from
open regionalism as representing a distinct approach to regionalism rather than merely as
inconsistencies in open regionalism or as instances of protectionism.
The question that remains, however, is why political actors would seek to nurture
domestic capital. Why would they prefer to maximise the wealth of a segment of society
instead of maximising the wealth and efficiency in society as a whole? The following
section addresses this question with regard to the specific case of ASEAN by focusing on
the nature of domestic coalitions amidst elite politics.
Domestic coalitions and elite politics in ASEAN
Although political systems in ASEAN during much of the 1990s ranged from
democracies, to semi-democracies and authoritarian regimes, all the ASEAN countries
shared the basic characteristics of elite governance political systems where political power
was largely in the hands of elites despite the presence of mechanisms for citizen
participation (McCargo, 1998: 127). The political elite was, however, not completely
insulated from domestic society, and needed to respond to concerns arising from this level
in order to maintain elite rule and its legitimacy, which remained fragile throughout the
1990s. In such settings, political elites depend on two factors to maintain themselves in
power as well as to ensure the stability and security of the prevailing domestic regime or
political system.
On the one hand, political elites need the support of citizens to maintain their right
to rule and to ensure political order, and this is largely achieved through creating material
7
wealth for citizens – the notion of performance legitimacy, which remains relevant to date
(Alagappa, 1995: 330; Stubbs, 2001). This explains the preoccupation of political leaders
with securing and maintaining key sources of growth in the economy, of which FDI is pre-
eminent in ASEAN. On the other hand, elite rule is also sustained by unity and
accommodation between members of the elite/governing coalition (Haggard and
Kaufman, 1997). Political elites selectively distribute economic benefits to their elite
partners as a primary means to achieve elite unity. See Figure.
The Role of Growth and Distribution in Elite Governance Political Systems
Satisfies
masses
Economic
growth
Maintains
elite
cohesion
(especially
among
political
and
domestic
business
elites)
Distribution
Satisfies
politically
favoured non-elite social
groups (e.g. ethnic groups)
Core
Elite
Goals
Maintenance of elite rule (especially incumbents);
Stability
of
the
domestic
political regime (sustains the political status quo);
Source: Nesadurai (2001: 85)
By the 1990s, it was the accommodation between the political elite and an
emerging domestic business class that was crucial in much of ASEAN. The material and
other forms of political support provided by domestic businesses helped incumbent
political elites maintain their power base, while the former in turn received economic
privileges through preferential policies instituted by the latter. In addition, domestic
businesses were privileged because they helped political actors fulfil broader political
aims. This was especially clear in the Malaysian and Indonesian cases, where political
legitimacy also rests on the capacity of the state to develop respectively an ethnic Malay
and indigenous Indonesian domestic capital class, particularly to offset the dominance of
8
ethnic Chinese capital.
9
Thus, although political actors were powerful and had some
degree of autonomy in decision-making, they were, nevertheless,
constrained by the need
to respond to domestic society at these two levels – citizens in general and to domestic
business interests allied with political and state elites.
Tensions can emerge when particular policies generate significant trade-offs
between the growth and distributive imperatives,
10
or between maximising wealth and
efficiency in society as a whole and maximising the wealth of a segment of society. In
much of ASEAN, foreign capital remains a key source of growth and exports, particularly
in the high value-added and advanced sectors of the economy that virtually all
governments are increasingly targeting, although domestic-owned firms are not entirely
absent from this picture. On the other hand, the distributive imperative in ASEAN, where
it exists, is usually aimed at privileging domestic-owned capital or segments of it that are
also close allies of the political elite. A simplifying, though not unreasonable assumption
made in the paper is that the foreign capital governments are targeting is internationally
oriented and thus in favour of liberal market policies that maximise growth. While
domestic capital may be either internationally oriented or emerging/inward focused, it is
when the political elite is closely allied to the latter that the tension between growth and
distribution becomes pronounced. Since this segment of domestic capital is not as well
developed as foreign capital, policymakers may well adopt measures to protect, preserve
and/or nurture emerging domestic capital vis-à-vis foreign capital if the former is to
survive direct competition with the latter.
When such distributive policies involve restricting the domestic operations of
foreign (or internationally oriented) firms, growth prospects may be weakened if the latter
are significant agents of growth. Growth need not, however, be disrupted if the extent of
distribution is limited, either to particular sectors or in terms of time. On the other hand,
governments may find it necessary to limit their distributive agenda during times of
economic distress, or expected economic hardship, which will affect citizens in general
through unemployment, for instance as well as threaten elite unity (Haggard and Kaufman,
9
See Crouch (1996) for Malaysia and Habir (1999) for Indonesia.
10
Growth is defined here as the expansion of economic wealth of a country, irrespective of its distribution
among different groups, firms or individuals. Distribution, on the other hand, involves the conscious
allocation by governments of income, rents and other economic benefits to particular individuals, groups or
firms who would otherwise not have received these gains through the workings of the free market.
9