76
Zeynep
Arslan
refer to 1667 as the “beginning” of 18
th
century Dubrovnik instead of referring strictly to
numerical time classifications, since the city’s economic conditions in the last quarter of the
17
th
century directly and heavily impacted Dubrovnik’s events in the bona fide 18
th
century up
until 1770. The last three decades in 18
th
century Dubrovnik, however, are treated as a
different time period, as the republic saw a remarkable increase in gross national product
during this time.
Being aware that such studies should be carried out using archives and resources from
the two parties in question—and those of others, if possible—to come up with reliable
information, this study assumes a modest tone, since it was based mainly on Ottoman archival
documents. Nevertheless, it still seeks to put forth a comprehensive, multi-layered analysis on
which future studies can be based, and it accomplishes this by sourcing a plethora of relevant
literature, cohesive essays, various Ottoman archival materials, and travelogues.
However,
the
Registers of Foreign Affairs (Düvel-i Ecnebiye Defterleri) classified under the numbers
A.DVN.DVE.d 19/7 and 20/8 are the main sources for this study.
3. Findings
The analysis of the registers yielded the discovery of pertinent and dubious information alike.
In the registers, for instance, the establishment of the first ‘ahd-n me between the Ottoman
Empire and the Republic of Dubrovnik dates back to the reign of Orhan I (1326- 1361).
Although these registers have confirmed Evliya Çelebi’s allegations (Kahraman & Dağl ,
2010)
2
, the writings of whom historians seldom respect, we also believe that Evliya’s claims
should be regarded with skepticism due to not only the physical distance between the two
polities at that time, but the contemporary political conditions surrounding them. That being
said, the notion commonly accepted by historians that Ottoman-Dubrovnik relations began in
1430 during Murad II’s reign is still valid—more so than the date suggested in the registers,
that is.
The registers also shed light on the last ‘ahd-n me granted to Dubrovnik
3
, which had
been arranged as a separate text and referred to as one of the only valid decrees by the end of
the 18
th
century. We found this document in The Prime Minister’s Ottoman Archives, which
led us to examine nearly 500 years’ worth of history concerning Ottoman-Dubrovnik
relations, the starting date of which remains uncertain. However, it is certain that although the
quality of
their relations fluctuated, they remained intact until Dubrovnik’s end as a republic.
During our literature review, we had the chance to study the tasks that Dubrovnik
performed for its commercial and political partners through the centuries and determined the
nature of Dubrovnik’s relations with the rest of the world. When examining the registers, we
also developed a good understanding of changes in Dubrovnik’s political customs throughout
its history. Most of all, we learned of Dubrovnik’s role as a neutral zone between eastern and
western nations that were, most of the time, hostile towards one another (Karman &
Kuncevic, 2013). While this arrangement caused some trouble for Dubrovnik, it was mostly
beneficial and conducive to the city’s growth.
Particularly in times of war, Dubrovnik became very effective both politically and
economically since its allies provided it with so many benefits. However, it appears that
Dubrovnik lost its political influence by the end of the 18
th
century and was no longer a
mediator between the Orient and Occident. However, the city-state was still prosperous in the
region thanks to its neutral stance, which it maintained until its very end; in fact, the end of
the 18
th
century was when the republic profited the most in its history. From the 16
th
century
77
Eighteenth Century Relations between the Ottoman Empire and
the Republic of Dubrovnik
onward, the Eastern Mediterranean witnessed the growth of a novel multilateral political
system, and geographical discoveries reoriented main trade routes that ended the Ragusans’
privileged position on trade between the East and the West. England had also completed their
industrial revolution, and they became an important economic and political power by
establishing their eastern colonies. Russia also strengthened its economic status at the time
and wished to trade in the south to further increase the nation’s cash flow. After France
overcame its internal conflicts, it became another claimant to the regions under Ottoman rule.
At the end of the 18
th
century, economic competition between nations reached its apex, and
Ragusan trade would thus re-emerge as a loyal servant of the Sublime Porte among the
Christian enemies.
Although it is extremely likely that Dubrovnik was an intelligence hub for the polities
in its surrounding areas, we could find no mention of Ragusan spy activities in the registers,
whether for the Ottoman Empire or for other states. No other 18
th
century archives indicated
this, either. It would thus be wise to avoid making
assertions about the topic, but since it is not
this thesis’ primary concern, making speculations is harmless; given that Ragusan diplomacy
was so advanced and Dubrovnik had a vast array of connections, it was likely that they
conducted espionage for their 18
th
century allies. Even so, this topic has yet to be researched
at length and conclusive arguments about it cannot yet be made.
The Ragusans also tactfully supplied skilled laborers and material goods for
Dubrovnik’s surroundings prior to the 18
th
century
4
, but from the 18
th
century onward,
Dubrovnik did not provide goods and services to its addressees as frequently as it had before.
It is likely for this reason that the only 18
th
century decree regarding this issue refers to the
Ottomans’ request for Ragusan ships and skilled captains. Apparently, Ragusan fleets were
used for transporting both cargo
5
and passengers
6
in the 18
th
century; when high-ranking
government officials had to venture to Ottoman lands, Ragusan vessels were used and the
sailing of these ships
was entrusted to Ragusans, as well.
Although Ottoman traders charged Ragusan captains to move their goods by sea at
some points during the 18
th
century
7
, the Republic of Ragusa did not heed the Ottomans as
they might have in years prior. Dubrovnik maintained its neutrality, but the city did not
require a mediator since states in the Eastern Mediterranean had already integrated—
moreover, they had extensive diplomatic networks with these states. By the end of 18
th
century, the Republic of Dubrovnik was not as active in its relations with other states, but it
continued to be commercially effective in the Eastern Mediterranean. In return for this trade
activity, Dubrovnik’s wealth increased more than it ever had before. This increase in trade
towards the end of the century was reflected in A.DVN.DVE.d 19/7 and 20/8—nearly all the
decrees in these documents are related to commerce, including what to do in commercial
disputes and how to make trade more efficient.
The registers A.DVN.DVE.d 19/7 and 20/8 provide us with detailed information about
the locations in which Ragusan traders conducted their business (Map 1). The registers also
highlight that the Ragusan merchants’ activity extended from the Mediterranean Sea to the
Aegean islands—from Balkans and Rumelia to the Black Sea and Syria—meaning they
traveled everywhere in the sultan’s lands. The high number of decrees addressed to these
regions also suggests that Ragusan trade was as intense in the early 19
th
century as it was
during the end of the 18
th
century. Although Ragusan traders were absent from the Black Sea
during the 17
th
and 18
th
centuries, a specific decree from the end of the 18
th
century marked
their return to the region.
8