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Part 2 of 3: Milton A. Maxwell,

"The Washingtonian Movement"

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DURATION OF THE MOVEMENT
How long the Washingtonian movement continued in full force is a difficult

question to answer. The most dramatic strides were made between the summers

of

1841 and 1842, but apparently the peak of activity was reached in 1843. That

year, Gough was touring New England, and Hawkins northern and western New

York

as well as sections of Vermont, New Hampshire and Maine. R.P. Taylor was

doing

effective work in Georgia. Late that autumn Hawkins campaigned in North

Carolina

and Georgia, stimulating great Washingtonian activity in that region. It was

a

year of high activity, with the major portion of the work carried on, as it

was

through most of the life of the movement, by numerous Washingtonians whose

names

are unrecorded.

On May 28,1844, in Boston, the Washingtonians were the sponsors of , and

leading

participants in, the largest temperance demonstration ever held, up to that

time, with nearly 30,000 members of various temperance organizations

participating. Governor George N. Briggs, William K. Mitchell and John B.

Gough

were the leading speakers.

In the fall of 1845 Hawkins began one of his most intensive campaigns, in

Ohio,

Indiana and Illinois, winding up in the spring of 1846 with very successful

meetings in New Orleans and Mobile. During this 8-month period Hawkins not

only

spoke daily but also directed the work of many assistants and helped, as he

always did, to organize societies to continue the work. In much of the

territory

covered by Hawkins on this campaign the Washingtonian movement was still at

full

tide in 1845 and 1846. This tends to corroborate the generalization of

Wooley

and Johnson that "for four years it continued to sweep the country." But in

some

of the cities which had been reached by the movement in 1841, a decline had

already set in.

In New York City the Sons of Temperance, a total abstinence order which had

been

founded with the help and blessing of Washingtonians, had begun, late in

1842,

to receive into its membership many Washingtonians. Slowly but increasingly

it

displaced the function of the Washington societies.

In Cincinnati, in January 1845, Lyman Beecher wrote to John Marsh about the

"resurgence of the liquor tide" and of the need for a new type of temperance

appeal. He thought that "though the Washingtonians have endured and worked

well,

their thunder is worn out"(13).

Fehlandt (4) states that "By 1843...interest began to wane, and soon

Washingtonianism had spent its force." It might be correct to say that the

first

signs of waning interest appeared in 1843 but it is not probable that such

signs

were detectable in most areas before 1844 - and in some areas not until

latter.

Hence, no generalization seems to apply to the entire country.

Most significant as an index of general interest are the references to the

Washingtonian movement in the annual Reports of the executive committee of

the

American Temperance Union, published in May of each year. The 1842 Report

enthusiastically details the spread of the movement. The 1843 Report

reflects

continued enthusiasm. The 1844 Report notes that the movement "has continued

through its fourth year with as much interest as could be expected." The

1845

Report contains news of the crowded weekly meetings and increased success of

the

Hartford, Conn., Washington Temperance Society, but there is also expressed

the

feeling of John Marsh that the movement "has in a considerable measure spent

its

force." In the 1846 Report the movement is referred to as "once so deeply

enlisting the sympathies." In the 1847 Report it is admitted that "The

reformation of drunkards has not, as in former years, formed a prominent

part of

the year now past." The 1848 Report contains no mention of the Washingtonian

movement at all.

Hawkins, Gough and others were called Washingtonians to the end of their

lives,

but there is no record, to the writer's knowledge, of organized

Washingtonian

activity beyond 1847 except in the Boston area.*3* There in March 1847, the

Washingtonians of New England held a large convention. In January 1848 the

Boston Washington Society reported having 56,380 signatures since the date

of

its founding in 1841. According to Harrison (8), writing in 1860, the Boston

society continued to exist and meet weekly up to 1860, at which time 70,000

signatures were claimed. In 1858 the Home for the Fallen, using

Washingtonian

principles in the rehabilitation of alcoholics, was in existence in

Boston.*4*

But in other parts of the country, by 1858, there were to be found

references to

"the early days" when Washingtonianism swept the country.

______________________________
*3* The writer has since learned of the existence of the Washingtonian Home

in

Chicago, founded in 1863 by members of the Order of Good Templars who may

well

have been Washingtonians. This institution is still engaged exclusively in

the

rehabilitation of alcoholics.

*4* This institution has been in continuous existence to the present time,

having undergone a number of changes in name and in policy. It is now known

as

the Washington Hospital and engages in the treatment of alcoholism by

contemporary medical and social techniques.

______________________________

NUMERICAL SUCCESS
How many persons became members of the Washingtonian societies? There is no

satisfactory answer to this question. The statistics that are available are

varied, contradictory and, hence, unreliable; furthermore, they are given on

two

different bases - the number who signed the total abstinence pledge, and the

number of drunkards reclaimed. Neither of these coincides with the

membership of

Washingtonian societies.

Several sources(12,14) repeat the American Temperance Union estimate (7)

that by

1843, 5,000,000 had signed the total abstinence pledge and were associated

with

over 10,000 local societies. Since only 350,000 such signers had been

claimed in

1839 (15), this would mean a gain of over 4,500,000 as a result of the

Washingtonian "pledge-signing revival." This would represent nearly

one-fourth

of the total U.S. population aged 15 years and over. When it is considered,

as

E.M. Jellinek has estimated, that for the population aged 15 years and older

the

per capita consumption of distilled spirits decreased by only 14.3 per cent

(form 4.9 gallons) between 1840 and 1850, some doubt is thrown upon the

validity

of this estimate. Marsh himself, in 1848, revised his estimate of total

abstainers downward to 4,000,000 (7). Even this number points to the

probability

that a large percentage of the pledge signers were under the age of 15.

Furthermore, since the signers belonged to all kinds of temperance

societies, it

is impossible to estimate what percentage, or how many, were enrolled in

Washingtonian societies.

In attempting to estimate the number of alcoholics reclaimed by the

Washingtonian movement, more difficulties are encountered. The major one is

the

fact that all the societies had mixed memberships - former teetotallers

(often

children), moderate drinkers, excessive drinkers, and confirmed alcoholics.

Nevertheless, estimates have been made and the claims vary from 100,000 (12)

to

600,000. The latter figure, often repeated, seems to be based on the 1843

Report

(7) of the American Temperance Union, in which it stated that: "A

half-million

hard drinkers often drunken, and a hundred thousand sots...may safely be

considered as having been brought to sign the total abstinence pledge within

the

last two years." Wooley and Johnson (12) state: "It is commonly computed

that at

least one hundred thousand common drunkards were reclaimed in the crusade

and at

least three times as many common tipplers became total abstainers." This

seems

to be based on Eddy (14), who in turn seems to be quoting an American

Temperance

Union estimate that, by the summer of 1842, "the reformation had included at

least 100,000 common drunkards, and three times that number of tipplers who

were

in a fair way to become sots."

One chief difficulty resides in the employment of an undefined terminology,

including "hard drinkers often drunken;" "confirmed drinkers;" "drunkard;"

"common drunkard;" "conformed drunkard;" "inebriate;" "sot;" "tippler;"

"common

tippler;" and "tipplers in a fair way to become sots." What do these terms

mean

and how were they distinguished from each other?

Ignoring the loose use of these terms, for the moment, and turning to the

percentage of reclaimed inebriates in Washingtoniansocieties, a great

variety of

claims is to be noted. Eight months after its beginning the Baltimore

society

claimed that two-thirds of their 300 members were reclaimed drunkards(9). At

the

close of 1841 it was claimed that 100,000 pledges had been taken as a result

of

Washingtonian activity, "more than one-third by confirmed drinkers"(16). But

in

the statistics offered by the same source, and for the same period of time,

by

the vigorous Cincinnati Washington society, only 900 (11.3 per cent) of the

8,000 members were said to have been reformed drunkards. A Battleboro, Vt.,

report stated: "We have 150 members already in our Washington Society, six

or

seven hard cases." This comes to four or five per cent. Of the 42,273

pledged

members in 82 Vermont towns cited in the 1844 Report, only 518 (1.2 per

cent)

were reformed drunkards probably varied greatly from community to community

-

and probably varied at different times even in the same society.

Since the American Temperance Union records are the chief source of

information

for later historians, some weight may be given to John Marsh's later

estimate

(13) that 150,000 drunkards were permanently rescued as a result of

Washingtonian activity. But when his 1843 estimate of "A half million hard

drinkers often drunken, and a hundred thousand sots" is recalled, it is

impossible not to be suspicious of his estimates - and particularly of his

use

of terms. The number may well have been less than 150,000, and it may well

have

included everything from "confirmed drinkers," to "hard drinkers often

drunken"

to "common drunkards" to "sots." What are the numbers of true alcoholics

was, is

anyone's guess.

But if there is uncertainty concerning the number of alcoholics temporarily

helped or permanently rehabilitated - or the number of persons who became

total

abstainers - there is no question that the movement made a tremendous

impact.

Its results, furthermore, were not short-lived. Within the temperance there

was

not only a decided gain of strength but also the opening of "the way for

more

advanced thought and effort...(14)." As for the problem of alcoholism, some

permanent though limited gain resulted. Dr. T.D. Crothers, a leading

psychiatrist of his time, wrote in 1911:

The Washingtonian movement...was a great clearing house movement, breaking

up

old theories and giving new ideas of the nature and character of inebriety.

It

was literally a sudden and intense projection of the ideas of the moral side

of

inebriety, into public thought, and while it reacted when the reform wave

died

out, it served to mobilize and concentrate public attention upon the

question,

of how far the inebriate could control his malady, and what efforts were

needed

to enable him to live temperately. This first practical effort to settle

these

questions was the beginning of the organization of lodging houses for the

members of the societies who had failed to carry out the pledges which they

had

made. This was really the beginning of the hospital system of cure, and was

the

first means used to give practical help to the inebriate, in a proper home,

with

protection, until he was able to go out, with a degree of health and hope of

restoration (17).

ORGANIZATION AND PROCEDURE
As has been indicated, the Washingtonian movement took organized form in the

thousands of local total abstinence societies which, almost without

exception,

had a mixed membership of former teetotallers and moderate drinkers as well

as

inebriates of various degrees. This was the pattern set by the original

Baltimore society. A large percentage of these societies, presumably, were

new

societies carrying the Washington name. Many were old societies, reorganized

and

renamed. But often the work was carried on in societies already in

existence,

without any change in name. Hawkins, it will be recalled, became the paid

secretary of the Massachusetts Temperance Society. Nevertheless, he was

active

in the Boston Washington society. There seemed, at the time, to be no

organizational rivalry, and that must have been true in many communities

throughout the years of the movement. In Alabama, Sellers (18) states, "This

organization [Washingtonian] was never an

independent unit, but was attached to temperance societies already

existing."

On the other hand, rivalry and mutual resentment between the "old" and the

"new"

societies did develop in many communities. Even in Boston, in the

demonstration

in which so many societies of all types participated in May 1844, the old

Massachusetts Temperance Society and the old Massachusetts Temperance Union

did

not take part (1). Krout summarizes the difficulties that developed between

the

Washingtonians and the older societies in many communities:

Under the compulsion of popular demand many of the old societies had

employed

Washingtonian speakers to revive a waning interest, but they had been

disappointed that the new pledge-signers could seldom be persuaded to join

existing organizations. Wherever Washingtonian workers conducted campaigns,

it

was necessary either to form a new society officered by reform men, or to

convert the old group into a Washingtonian abstinence society. To some who

had

laboured long in temperance work...it appeared...that the Washingtonians had

no

interest in the triumphs of the struggle prior to 1840. The younger movement

seemed to be unwilling to learn anything from the older. Its membership

scoffed

at the methods and principles formerly held in esteem...The old leaders were

being set aside. Any Tom, Dick or Harry could direct the course of the

reform.

Washingtonian "Heralds," "Standards" and "Advocates" were springing up

everywhere, and then expiring from lack of funds.

Their existence was too often marked by unpleasant controversies with other

temperance periodicals. The Washingtonians, on the other hand, charged that

the

older societies refused to co-operate with them...(1).

Further evidence of this distrust and cleavage, as well as of the

differences in

organization, was given in the Washingtonian Pocket Companion (19),

published in

Utica, N.Y., in 1842:

Some societies make uniting with them, a virtual renunciation of all

membership

with any other temperance societies...This is because the principles of the

old,

and of our societies, differ so widely - and also to prevent the old

societies

from subverting ours...

Some societies take none but those who have lately made, sold, or used

intoxicating liquors - others receive all except children under a certain

age -

others receive even children with the consent of their parents or guardians.

Some societies omit that part of the pledge which relates to the "Making and

selling, directly or indirectly," and pledge to total abstinence from using,

only. They think it a benefit to bring the maker and vender into the society

first, and then induce them to give up their business.

In some cases, the female members of our societies act as a Benevolent

Society,

within, or in co-operation and fellowship with us. In others, the ladies

form

separate and distinct societies. Their names are numerous...(19).

Even though no uniformity of organization or procedure prevailed, yet a

minimum

of common pattern ran throughout the movement. This might be said to be (A)

the

reclamation of inebriates by "reformed drunkards" - employing the "principle

of

love" and the total abstinence pledge; and (B) having reformed drunkards

telling

their experiences for the dual purpose of reaching the drunkard and winning

others to the total abstinence pledge.

The Baltimore pattern, very effectively reproduced in Boston under the

guidance

of Hawkins, seemed to have been the ideal pattern which the majority of

Washingtonian groups approximated in varying degrees. Since records of the

Boston operations have been preserved, the organization and procedure of

that

society will be given in some detail.

The aggressive missionary work of carrying Washingtonianism into 160 New

England

towns during the first 3 months of the Boston society's existence has been

noted. Of even greater interest are the details of the work with alcoholics,

during this same period, as related by Samuel F. Holbrook, the first

president

of the society:

The Washington Total Abstinence Society was organized on the 25th of April,

1841. On the evening of its formation the officers elected were a president,

two

vice-presidents, a corresponding secretary, and a treasurer; after which

there

were chosen twenty-four gentlemen to serve as ward committee, whose duty it

was

to pick up inebriates, induce them to sign the pledge of total abstinence,

and

forsake all places where intoxicating drink was to be had, and also to visit

the

families of the reformed and administer to their wants.

It now became necessary to have a place exclusively our own, where we could

bring the unfortunate victim of intemperance, nurse him, and converse with

him,

and obtain his signature to the pledge;...[We] were led to Marlboro Chapel.

We

obtained Hall No. 1 for a business and occasional lecture room, and the

chapel

for a public meeting once a week. Hall No. 1 was furnished with newspapers

from

various towns, as well as nearly all the publications of our own city. A

table

prepared, and the seats were arranged in the form of a reading room; a

fountain

of cold water and a desk containing the pledge occupied another part of the

room.

Our pledge, for the first week, had two hundred and eighteen names; and

then, as

if by magic, the work commenced. And I think it is doubtful if in the annals

of

history there is any record of a work of such a nature and progressing with

so

much silence, and yet so sure in its advance. Surely it is the work of the

omnipotent God...

The gentlemen acting as ward committees were filled with unexampled zeal and

perseverance in the performance of their duties; leaving their own business

in

order to hunt up the drunkard;...So attentive were they to this voluntary

duty

that in a fortnight we had four hundred names on our pledge; families in all

directions were assisted, children sent to school decently clad, employment

obtained for the husband, the countenance of the wife assumed a cheerful and

pleasing aspect; landlords grew easy, and in fact everything relating to the

circumstances of the reformed inebriate had undergone a complete change for

the

better...

The reeling drunkard is met in the street, or drawn out from some old filthy

shed, taken by the arm, spoken kindly to, invited to the hall, and with

reluctance dragged there, or carried in a carriage if not too filthy; and

there

he sees himself surrounded by friends, and not what he most feared - police

officers; everyone takes him by the hand; he begins to come to and when

sober

sign the pledge, and goes away a reformed man. And it does not end there.

The

man takes a pledge, and from his bottle companions obtains a number of

signers,

who likewise become sober men. Positively, these are facts. Now, can any

human

agency alone do this? All will answer No; for we have invariably the

testimony

of vast numbers of reformed men, who have spoken in public and declared they

have broken off a number of times, but have as often relapsed again: and the

reason they give for doing this is that they rely wholly on the strength of

their resolution without looking any higher; but now they feel the need of

God's

assistance, which having obtained, their reform is genuine...(8).

Holbrook also made some interesting comparisons with the attitudes and

methods

of the older temperance societies:

...As for reclaiming the drunkard, that was entirely out of the question;

they

must and will die shortly, and now our business is to take care of the

rising

generation. And when the hard working women complained of her drunken

husband,

the reply was, and from all feeling of good, to, O send him to the house of

correction, or poor house, immediately, and then we will do what we can for

you

and your children. Now the great difficulty was that our temperance friends

were, generally, men in higher circles of life, who would revolt at the idea

of

taking a drunkard by the arm in the street and walk with him to some place

where

he could be made sober and receive friendly advice. If the drunken man was

noticed at all, he was taken aside from under the horses' feet, and perhaps

put

into some house and there left...But the method of reclaiming the apparently

lost inebriate, such as the Washington Total Abstinence Society has adopted,

never entered their heads; it was not thought of until our society was

formed.

Then some twenty or thirty drunkards came forward and signed the total

abstinence pledge and related their experience, and this induced others to

do

the same; and then the work of reform commenced in good earnest(8).

The "Auditor's Report" contains additional information on the activities of

the

Boston society during its first 3 months. After reporting the receipt of

$2,537.10, one barrel of pork, four hams, and a considerable quantity of

second-hand clothing, he referred to the system they had adopted "of

boarding

out single persons and assisting the inebriate and his family who had

homes."

In addition to not less than one hundred and fifty persons boarded out [in

"three good boarding-houses, kept by discreet members of the society"], two

hundred and fifty families have been more or less benefited. Families the

most

wretched have been made comfortable; by our exertions many families that

were

scattered have been reunited; fathers, sons, and brothers have been taken

from

the houses of correction and industry, from the dram shops, and from the

lowest

places of degradation, restored and brought back again under the same roof,

made

happy, industrious, and temperate...Our society at present numbers about

4,000

members...[about] one third...heads of families...(8).

Harrisson rounds out the first 2 years' history of the Boston society:

For the space of two years after its organization the meetings of the

society

were held in Marlboro' Chappel, while the lodging rooms connected therewith

were

located in Graphic Court, opposite Franklin Street. From there they removed

to

No. 75 Court Street...They also fitted up rooms under their hall for the

temporary accommodations of reformed, or rather, reforming men. They soon

again

removed to rooms which they procured and fitted up in Broomfield Street...

During the first two years of its existence the officers and members of the

society held weekly meetings in six different localities in the city of

Boston,

namely: in North Bennett Street, Milton Street, Washington Place, East

Street,

Common Street, and Hull Street...(8).

Another glimpse of the activities of this society, 4 years after its

founding,

is provided in a memorial petition presented to the State Legislature in

1845:

....From the period of its formation to the present time, it has sustained a

commodious hall for holding public meetings...Large numbers of persons, in

various stages of intoxication and destitution, who have been found in the

streets and elsewhere, have been led to the Washingtonian Hall, where they

have

been kindly received, and their necessary wants supplied. The amount of

service

which has been rendered within the last four years, by this society, cannot

be

readily appreciated. A multitude of men who, by intemperance, had been shut

out

from the friendly regard of the world, found in the hall of the

Washingtonians,

for the time being, a comfortable asylum; and these men departed thence to

resume their position as useful citizens. About 750 such persons have found

a

temporary home at Washingtonian Hall, during the year just closed, nearly

all of

whom, it is believed, are now temperate and industrious members of

society(8).

4 As already noted, this society reported having received 56,380 members up

to

January 1848. According to Harrisson, the central meetings were held each

week

uninterrupted at least to 1860. Whether an "Asylum" for inebriates was

maintained during the intervening years, the writer cannot ascertain. But in

1858 a "home for the Fallen," representing perhaps a renewal of activities,

was

being maintained on Franklin Place. It was moved to 36 Charles Street in

1860

and renamed the "Washington Home." Conducted by a separate "executive

committee," it nevertheless was operating on Washingtonian principles.

So much for the Boston society. Apparently Hawkins and his associates had

laid a

more sound foundation than was achieved in many communities.

As for organization and procedures elsewhere, perhaps the best clues are

given

in the 1842 Washingtonian Pocket Companion (19), "Containing a Choice

Collection

of Temperance Hymns, Songs, Etc.," - containing also the following

directions

"For Commencing, Organizing, and Conducting the Meetings, of a Washingtonian

Total Abstinence Society."

I. The Commencement.- Wherever there are a sufficient number of drinkers, to

get

up what is commonly called "a spree," there are enough to form a Society. It

only needs one or more individuals, (If an inebriate, or moderate drinker,

but

resolved to reform, all the better,) to go to those persons, and to others

who

make, sell or use intoxicating drinks and explain to them the principles and

measures of this great reform, and persuade them to agree to take the pledge

at

a meeting to be held at some convenient time and place mutually agreed on.

In

all these efforts, the utmost gentleness, and kindness, and patient

perseverance, and warm persuasion, should be used. At the meetings, appoint

a

Chairman and a Secretary - if reformed inebriates, all the better. After

singing

a hymn or song, let the Chairman, or other person, open the meeting by

stating

its objectives - relating his experience in drinking, his past feelings,

sufferings, the woe of his family and friends, the motives and reasons that

induce him to take the present step, and appeal warmly and kindly to his

companions, friends and neighbours to aid him in it by doing likewise. The

Secretary, or other person may follow with a like experience...Other persons

can

be called on to speak, until it is time to get signers to the pledge. Having

read the pledge...invite all who wish to join to rise up, (or come forward,)

and

call out their names that the Secretary may take them down. Publicity and

freedom are preferable to private solicitations, whisperings, and secrecy in

giving the names...Then let the Chairman or other person, first pledge

himself,

and then administer it to the rest.

After this, a hymn or song may be sung, and remarks and appeals be made, and

other names be obtained. After all have been obtained to take the pledge,

let

them again rise up, and let the Chairman, or Secretary, or other person,

give

them THE CHARGE - a solemn address on the nature and importance of the

obligations they have assumed and on the best mode of faithfully discharging

them. Then let a committee be appointed to draft a Constitution to be

presented

at the next meeting.

II. THE ORGANIZATION. - At the next meeting, after singing, let the

Constitution

be reported, and amended, if necessary, until it suits those who have taken

the

pledge at and since the last meeting. Then adopt it. It should contain the

following, among the needed provisions. Preamble - A simple statement of the

prominent evils of intemperance, and of the resolution of the signers to aid

in

extirpating their root. Some prefer a Parody on our National Declaration of

Independence for this purpose. Article 1 - The name of the Society, always

using

the distinctive title, "Washingtonian," in that name. Article 2 - Declaring

that

love, Kindness and moral suasion are your only principles and measures, and

disavowing denunciation, abuse, and harshness. Article 3 - Forbid the

introduction of sectarian sentiments or party politics into any lecture,

speeches, singing, or doings of the society. Article 4 - Providing for

offices,

committees, and their election. Articles 5,6, and 7 - Duties of officers and

committees. (One of these should be a committee to relieve the poor, sick

and

afflicted members and families of inebriates.) Article 8 - Provide for

by-laws,

and alterations of the Constitution. Article 9 - Provide for labours with

those

who violate their pledges, and the withdrawal of members...

III. HOW to CONDUCT the MEETINGS. - After the meeting has come to order,

always

open with a hymn or song. Transact the business of the society with the

utmost

order and dispatch....Then call for speakers. Let there be as many

"experiences"

as possible, interspersed with brief arguments, appeals, exhortations, news

of

the progress of the cause, temperance anecdotes, &c. Consult brevity, so as

to

have as many of the brethren speak, as possible - the more the better....And

always be sure to call for persons to take the pledge, when the audience

feel in

the right spirit. While the pledges are being filled up for delivery, pour

out

the warmest appeals, or sing the most interesting hymns or songs. If any

member

or other person violates the rules or order, or transgresses the principles

and

measures of the society, remind him of it in good humour, gently and

kindly...KINDNESS must be the very atmosphere of your meetings, and LOVE the

fuel of all your zeal, and PERSUASION the force of all your speaking, if you

would have your society do the most good...(19).

Even more revealing is the definition, contained in the same Pocket

Companion,

of the principles of the Washingtonian movement in terms of its differences

from

the older societies.

I. All the former Societies directed their efforts mainly, if not wholly to

the

prevention of intemperance.

"Washingtonianism," while it embraces all classes, sexes, ages and

conditions of

society in its efforts, makes special efforts to snatch the poor inebriate

from

his destructive habits - aims to cure as well as prevent intemperance. It

considers the drunkard as a man - our brother - capable of being touched by

kindness, of appreciating our love, and benefiting by our labours. We

therefore,

stoop down to him in his fallen condition and kindly raise him up, and

whisper

hope and encouragement into his ear, and aid him to aid himself back again

to

health, peace, usefulness, respectability and prosperity. By the agency of

SISTERS in this labour, we endeavour to secure the co-operation of his

family in

our effort...

II. Other societies, generally were auxiliary to a Country - that to a State

-

and that to a National Society...

"Washingtonianism"...[makes] each society independent...

III. Before the Washingtonian Reform, not only the poor drunkard, but many

of

nearly every other class in society supposed to be in the way of the

[temperance] cause, were denounced as enemies - held up to public

indignation

and reprobation, threatened with the withdrawal of votes, pecuniary support,

or

public countenance;...

"Washingtonianism" teaches us to avoid this course...We believe with the

American Prison Discipline Society, that "there is a chord, even in the most

corrupt heart, that vibrates to kindness, and a sense of justice, which

knows

when it has been rightly dealt with." We have tried kindness with the poor

inebriate of many years continuance - we have found it powerful to overcome

the

induration of heart caused by eight years of the world's contempt...Hence we

adopt the law of kindness - the godlike principle, "Be not overcome of evil,

but

overcome evil with good," in our labours to win the maker, seller and user

of

intoxicating liquors; and we disavow all compulsions, threats,

denunciations,

hard names,...or malice or ill-will toward them...In short, "Moral suasion,

not

force - love not hate, are the moving springs in the Washingtonian Creed"

(19).

The hymns and songs contained in this Pocket Companion are likewise

revealing.

Most of them are simply adapted Christian hymns and temperance songs,

appealing

basically to religious and patriotic sentiments. In the preface it is

frankly

stated that only such hymns and songs have been included which introduce no

"sectarianism, party politics, denunciation or harshness," or which contain

no

"phrases and sentiments which all Christians could not conscientiously

sing."

The central emphasis is probably contained in the following hymn on the

"Power

of Love."

Love is the strongest tie Love softens all our toil,

That can our hearts unite; And makes our labours blest;

Love brings to life and liberty It lights again the joyful smile,

The drunkard chained in night And gives the anguished rest.

Obeying its commands, Let love forever grow,

We quickly supply each need; Intemp'rance drive afar,

With feeling hearts and tender hands A heaven begin on earth below

Bind up his wounds that bleed. And banish strife and war.

The principle of love and sympathy for the drunkard is, in countless

references,

considered to be the distinctively new feature introduced by the

Washingtonians

- and their central principle. John B. Gough attributed the success of the

movement to "the true spirit of Washingtonian sympathy, kindness and

charity...predominant in the bosom of this great Washingtonian

Fraternity"(11).

Walter Channing, Unitarian Clergyman, in underscoring this principle, also

calls

attention to the other distinctive feature of the Washingtonian movement -

the

role played by the "reformed drunkards" themselves:

It was wholly new, both in its principles and its agents. It laid aside law

and

punishment, and made love, the new commandment, its own. It dared to look

upon

moral power as sufficient for the work of human regeneration - the living

moral

power in the drunkard, however degraded he might be. It had faith in

man...[and

so] the drunkard became a moral teacher... he rose from the lowest depths of

degradation, and became an apostle of the highest sentiment in his nature;

viz.,

the love of man, the acknowledgment of the inborn dignity of man (9).
THE CAUSES OF DECLINE
The materials presented above would scarcely give the impression that the

major

cause of the decline of the Washingtonian movement was its lack, and

opposition

to, religion. Yet that charge gained currency and has been perpetuated in

later

temperance writings. For example, Daniels, in 1877, wrote that "...this

effort

to divorce temperance from religion was the chief weakness of the

Washingtonian

movement(20)."

Actually, the charge seems to be based upon the generalization and

misinterpretation of certain real difficulties that did develop, in places,

between the Washingtonians and the churches - and upon the views of a few

extremists. A major source of information about the Washingtonian movement

available to later historians were the publications of the American

Temperance

Movement, edited by John Marsh. In 1842 Marsh did become concerned about the

attitudes of some of the Washingtonians: "A lack of readiness on their part

to

acknowledge their dependence on God, no small desecration of the Sabbath,

and a

painful unwillingness, in not a few professed Christians, to connect the

temperance cause...with religion(13)."

It must be recalled that Marsh was the earliest and most ardent promoter of

the

Washington movement. He had a genuine interest in the reformation of

drunkards,

but his greatest interest was the promotion of the temperance cause. Above

all,

Marsh wanted to establish the identification of temperance with religion and

to

obtain the support of all church members. When the behaviour of some of the

Washingtonians threatened to antagonize some of the church people against

the

temperance cause, Marsh did his best in his writings to counteract the

threatening trends in the Washingtonian movement. Later historians seemed to

overlook the fact that Marsh was addressing himself to minority

manifestations -

and that Marsh succeeded to a considerable extent in countering these

trends.

When, in the summer of 1844, Marsh sponsored and accompanied John B. Gough

on a

tour through New York State, he was pleased with the fact that Gough was

able to

speak in many churches - "even upperclass churches." On this improved

rapport

with the churches, Marsh commented:

The open infidelity, and radicalism, and abuse of ministers, by some

reform-speakers had kindled up in many minds an opposition to all temperance

effort, especially on the Sabbath; but Mr. Gough took such decided ground on

religion, as the basis of all temperance, and the great security and hope of

the

reformed, as entirely reconciled them, not only to the meetings, but to his

occupying the pulpit on the Sabbath (13).

The causes and coolness and even hostility between some of the

Washingtonians

and some of the churches lay on both sides. For one thing, many

Washingtonians

felt that their movement represented a purer form of Christianity than was

to be

found in the churches. In fact, their chief criticism of churches was on

this

score and did not stem out of antireligious beliefs. They felt that they

were

living the principles which the churches talked about. This was expressed,

for

example, in the following hymn stanza:

When Jesus, our Redeemer, came

To teach us in his Father's name,

In every act, in every thought

He lived the precepts which he taught (19).

Washingtonians, furthermore, we often critical of the unhealthy other -

worldliness prevalent in many churches:

This world's not all a fleeting show,

For a man's illusion given;

He that hath sooth'd a drunkard's woe,

And led him to reform, doth know,

There's something here of heaven.

The Washingtonian that hath run

The path of kindness even;

Who's measr'd out life's little span,

In deeds of love to God and man,

On earth has tasted heaven (19).
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++++Message 5542. . . . . . . . . . . . Part 3 of 3: Maxwell on the

Washingtonians

From: Glenn Chesnut . . . . . . . . . . . . 2/24/2009 12:41:00 PM
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From: James Blair

(jblair at videotron.ca)