for you and countless others. This is the Great Fact
THEN great events will happen for you and many people.
The words "great fact" also appear one other place in the first 164 pages of
have had deep and effective spiritual experiences*
which have revolutionized our whole attitude toward
life, toward our fellows and toward God's universe.
The central fact of our lives today is the absolute cer-
tainty that our Creator has entered into our hearts and
lives in a way which is indeed miraculous. He has
commenced to accomplish those things for us which
we could never do by ourselves.>>
This seems to me to be saying pretty much the same thing:
"The great fact" =
WHEN we had the right spiritual experience of God
THEN God did revolutionary and miraculous things for us which we could never
do
by ourselves.
Or in other words, the words "Great Fact" do not seem to me to be referring
to
God himself, but to the fact of what God has done for us. That would be my
reading of it.
Bill Wilson, using early twentieth century literary style, sometimes used
capital letters simply to emphasize words, or to indicate that he was
pointing
to something very specific (instead of just any old "great fact" among a
large
number of important factual statements). It doesn't necessarily mean that he
is
referring to God.
So if you look down to the next paragraph, you can see him capitalizing
"Fellowship of the Spirit" and "Road of Happy Destiny." And that's why we
still
capitalize the words "Big Book."
In the early twentieth century -- in fact, going all the way back to the
eighteenth century -- good writers of English capitalized words a whole lot
more
than authors have been doing over more recent years. I have seen this change
taking place personally, over the course of my own lifetime, because I was
born
the same year that the Big Book was published. I don't capitalize as many
words
now when I write formal English prose as I did when I was twenty years old.
It
just looks old fashioned and awkward when you write like that nowadays.
But other members of the group may have a different reading of this passage.
Glenn Chesnut (South Bend, Indiana, U.S.)
IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII
++++Message 6396. . . . . . . . . . . . Jack Alexander
From: Glenn Chesnut . . . . . . . . . . . . 3/17/2010 5:59:00 PM
IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII
We have been asked for Jack Alexander's date of birth and for a photograph
of
him.
Box 459 for February-March 2008
http://www.aa.org/en_pdfs/en_box459_febmar08.pdf
has a photo of him.
There is also what appears to be a poorer copy of the same photo, cropped
down a
bit and (it seems to me) vertically distorted, at
http://www.aa.org.mx/Experiencias.htm
Are there any other known photos?
That Box 459 article says that "in failing health, Jack Alexander and his
wife
Anita retired to Florida, where he died on September 17, 1975," and says
that he
was 38 years old when he did the Saturday Evening Post article, so he must
have
been born c. 1903.
Somewhat puzzlingly, many other places say that Jack Alexander died on
September
19, 1975 in St. Louis. Can anyone in our group confirm which date and place
is
correct?
Thanks!
Glenn Chesnut (South Bend, Indiana)
IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII
++++Message 6397. . . . . . . . . . . . Milton Maxwell
From: Glenn Chesnut . . . . . . . . . . . . 3/18/2010 2:23:00 PM
IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII
We have been asked for Milton Maxwell's date of birth. If we can also obtain
his
date of death, we might as well post that too.
The request referred to him as Milton Maxwell M.D., but in my checking
around he
seems to have been a Ph.D., not an M.D.
Can anyone in our group verify which of those is correct?
Thanks!
Glenn Chesnut (South Bend, Indiana)
IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII
++++Message 6398. . . . . . . . . . . . RE: Milton Maxwell (and Jack
Alexander)
From: J. Lobdell . . . . . . . . . . . . 3/18/2010 8:18:00 PM
IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII
From Jared Lobdell and Jim Blair
- - - -
From: "J. Lobdell"
(jlobdell54 at hotmail.com)
I find in my notes (unattributed I'm sorry to say) that Milton A. Maxwell,
Ph.D., was born August 17 1907 and died October 28 1988.
Btw, Jack Alexander was, I believe, b. February 8 1903, but beyond the fact
that
he died in Florida in 1975 (perhaps in September), I have no vital
statistics on
him.
Milton Maxwell was a Professor of Sociology and definitely a Ph.D.
(University
of Texas, I believe).
- - - -
From: James Blair
(jblair at videotron.ca)
On the cover of his book, The Alcoholics Anonymous Experience, he gives his
name
as Milton A. Maxwell, Ph.D.
He was a sociologist.
Jim
IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII
++++Message 6399. . . . . . . . . . . . Milton Maxwell
From: Glenn Chesnut . . . . . . . . . . . . 3/19/2010 4:35:00 PM
IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII
Markings: Your Archives Interchange, Vol. 28, No. 3 (Fall 2008)
http://www.aa.org/en_pdfs/f-151_markings_fall08.pdf
A Class A Trustee Whose Research and Writing
Focused on Alcoholism and the A.A. Fellowship
Milton A. Maxwell was elected
to the General Service Board in
1971 and its chairman in 1978.
[WITH PHOTOGRAPH]
Milton A. Maxwell, who served as a Class A (nonalcoholic)
trustee and then chairman of the General Service
Board, traced his interest in A.A. to his time as a minister
when he was approached by a congregant seeking help for a
drinking problem.
Years later, he wrote: "Little did I realize in 1939
when, as Leslie S.'s minister, I suggested Alcoholics
Anonymous to him, that in 1947 I would be a sociologist
doing a Ph.D dissertation on A.A. But such was the case,
and the result is a deep interest in the problem of alcoholism
and particularly in A.A."
The title of that dissertation is "Social Factors in the
Alcoholics Anonymous Program." Maxwell was a sociology
professor at Washington State University when he was
awarded his Ph.D in 1949.
In his dissertation abstract, Maxwell analyses the power of
the A.A. group: "changed social relations are the most effective
means for bringing about personality change--and that
the social interaction in a primary group has the greatest capacity
for bringing about such change."
He wrote or co-wrote 20 articles on the sociological aspects
of alcoholism during his tenure at WSU from 1947 to
1965, and nine while a professor at Rutgers University from
1965 to 1975.
In 1984, he published a full-length book, The AA Experience,
intended for professionals.
Maxwell was elected to the General Service Board of
Alcoholics Anonymous as a Class A (nonalcoholic) trustee
in 1971 and its chairman in 1978. Among the presentations
he gave during his tenure was one on cooperation with non-
A.A. professionals, which he delivered in 1971 at the
Conference: "A.A.'s No. 1 concern should be the quality of
A.A. itselfâ¦. This is the most important contribution which
A.A. can make to the total field. Nevertheless, I believe that
A.A. will not have its best future unless it also--and within
the Traditions--continually concerns itself with good twoway
communication with the non-A.A. alcoholism world."
In another presentation, on anonymity, which he gave at
the Conference in 1978, he says: "Originally, being anonymous
was a simple response to the prevailing stigma. It was
aimed at protecting individuals already in the groups and
promised the same protection to anyone thinking about coming
in. Then, from experience, emerged the understanding of
anonymity's spiritual values--for members personally, each
group, and the Fellowship as a whole."
He stepped down from the post in 1982, but continued
to be involved with Alcoholics Anonymous World Services
and A.A. as trustee emeritus. He was 81 years old at his death
in 1988.
The Milton A. Maxwell Collection was donated to the
General Service Office Archives by Charlotte Maxwell about
a year later.
Among that collection is his pamphlet "Alcohol, Man, and
Science," published in 1965 by Washington State University.
In it Maxwell challenges the stereotype of the alcoholic:
"Alcoholism is a progressive illness with a very gradual, frequently
imperceptible, onsetâ¦. Many alcoholics are hidden
from recognition by others, and even from themselves, by the
stereotype of late-stage alcoholics--perhaps the Skid
Row type or even the 'Lost Weekend' type. But the
majority of our alcoholics, at a given time, are not
late-stage alcoholics. One study showed that almost 70
percent of the male alcoholic patients at a Seattle private
hospital for alcoholics were married and living with
spouse; 95 percent of them were employed."
In another of his writings--"Hidden Alcoholic
Employees"--Maxwell again took up the case of the alcoholic
who escapes notice: "the alcoholic employee not only
can be a 'hidden man' but usually is. Late-stage alcoholism
which seriously interferes with job performance can seldom
be hidden and is seldom tolerated. But early-stage and even
much of middle-stage alcoholism can be hidden--and most
problem drinkers in industry are in these stages."
In his research, Maxwell investigated the psychology of
the alcoholic. In an article he wrote in 1950 ("Alcohol
Addiction as a Sociogenic Personality Disorder"), he says:
"alcohol effects an illusory adjustment which, in the course
of time, creates new maladjustments, new problems, new
tensions involving family, friends, and job." Also from the
same article: "self-esteem is shaken, guilt and remorse set in,
and alcohol has the capacity of narcotizing this pain ...."
Among Maxwell's works is an article on the Washingtonian
Movement that is familiar to A.A. members. In it Maxwell
compares that temperance society of the 1840s with Alcoholics
Anonymous. Begun in Baltimore in 1841, the Washingtonians
numbered in the tens of thousands (and possibly well over
100,000) within a couple of years. "If there is uncertainty concerning
the number of alcoholics temporarily helped or permanently
rehabilitated ... there is no question that the movement
made a tremendous impact," according to Maxwell.
That impact, though, was relatively brief, with membership
peaking in the mid-1840s and petering out soon thereafter.
In comparing the Washingtonian Movement to A.A.,
Maxwell says that whereas there were obvious similarities,
"the differences can be brought out ... by an analysis of the
Alcoholics Anonymous program--its principles, practices
and content."
The most significant differences, and the reasons that A.A.
has endured and the Washingtonians did not, says Maxwell
in his article: are A.A.'s exclusively alcoholic membership;
its singleness of purpose, which includes steering clear of
"outside issues;" that it provides a program of recovery,
including the Twelve Steps; its principle of anonymity; and
the Traditions.
As it was noted in a workshop of the 1983 General Service
Conference, Maxwell's account of the Washingtonians "revealed
that one cause of its collapse was the ego-stroking that
the movement encouraged" and that "a clear-cut primary
purpose became diffused into a muddle of worthy causes."
In his farewell talk as chairman of the General Service
Board, at the 1982 Conference, Maxwell said: "In a general
society characterized by competitive striving for status, recognition,
power, and their material symbols, A.A. has a recovery
program based upon opposite values--upon learning
and an unself-centered way of life .... Furthermore, A.A. has
a collective life--Traditions, Concepts, minimum of structure--
that is remarkably in harmony with and supportive of
the basic recovery program."
Soon after Maxwell had been elected Board chairman, Dr.
Jack Norris, who served as a trustee on the Board from 1951
to 1978, had this to say about the new chairman: "I believe
Milton Maxwell is too little appreciated in A.A., because he
is so quiet. But because of his understanding heart, I think
Milton may be A.A.'s greatest nonalcoholic friend in the field
of alcoholism."
IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII
++++Message 6401. . . . . . . . . . . . Milton Maxwell
From: Charlie C . . . . . . . . . . . . 3/20/2010 5:14:00 PM
IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII
Here's that info again Glenn:
I dug around a little, and seeing that Milton Maxwell had been a
sociology prof at Washington State in Pullman for many years looked in
some standard sources, no luck, but then contacted their library and
received the following information from a fellow librarian there. (Most
college archives, usually in their libraries, keep some sort of faculty
bio file...)
"Milton Andrew Maxwell. Born August 12, 1907 in Beecher Illinois.
Attended high school in Rowena, Texas. Parents Daniel and Bertha, father
was a "Minister, Evangelical and Reformed Church." Wife (at time of
this 1947 paperwork, anyway) was Charlotte Catherine Maxwell. Two
children (again, as of 1947), Douglas and Ross.
Degrees were: A.B. in 1929 from Elmhurst (ILL) College, B.D. in 1931
from Chicago Theological Seminary, M.A. in 1944 from University of
Texas. Left to come to WSU with his PhD unfinished, but notes say he
finished it through U of Texas in 1949. His wife, by the way, received
a B.S. in Chemistry in 1933 from the Florida State College for Women.
Held the following positions before WSU:
Social Research Assistant, 1930-1931, Chicago Congregational Union
Minister, 1931-1934, 1st Congregational Church, Ault, Colo.
Minister, 1934-1940, Community Church, Flossmoor, Ill.
Minister, 1940-1945, University Community Church, Austin, Tex.
Part-time instructor in Sociology, 1943-1945, University of Texas
Hired at WSU (well, then WSC, as we only became WSU in 1959) in 1945,
remained here until 1965 at which point he resigned to take another
position. He had some short periods away - resigned in 1960 to "take
another position" and returned one year later. Was on sabbatical and
then unpaid personal leave in 1957-1958 at Yale Univ. Center of Alcohol
Studies."
Charlie C.
IM = route20guy
"A flittin stane gaithers nae fog"
IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII
++++Message 6402. . . . . . . . . . . . Re: Milton Maxwell
From: Jim Myers . . . . . . . . . . . . 3/19/2010 9:41:00 PM
IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII
On silkworth.net is the following:
The Washingtonian Movement: Comparison With Alcoholics Anonymous
QUART. J. STUD. ALC., VOL. 11, 410-452, 1950.
By Milton A. Maxwell, Ph.D., Assistant Professor of Sociology, State College
of
Washington, Pullman, Washington
(From Jim M of silkworth.net - Please note above: By Milton A. Maxwell,
Ph.D.)
COMPARISON WITH ALCOHOLICS ANONYMOUS
It is apparent that the Washingtonian societies, when they were most
effective
in the rehabilitation of alcoholics, had a great many similarities to
Alcoholics
Anonymous. These similarities might be listed as follows:
1. Alcoholics helping each other.
2. The needs and interests of alcoholics kept central, despite mixed
membership,
by predominance of numbers, control, or the enthusiasm of the movement.
3. Weekly meetings.
4. The sharing of experiences.
5. The fellowship of the group or its members constantly available.
6. A reliance upon the power of God.
7. Total abstinence from alcohol.
Most Washingtonian groups probably failed to meet this ideal program, or to
maintain it for long. Even in itemizing the ideal program, some of the
differences between the Washingtonian groups and Alcoholics Anonymous stand
out.
The admission of nonalcoholics as members and the incorporation of the
"temperance" purpose - the inducement of total abstinence in nonalcoholics -
are
the most striking differences. Furthermore, at their best, the Washingtonian
groups possessed no understanding of alcoholism other than the possibility
of
recovery through love and sympathy. Their approach to the problem of
alcoholism
and alcohol was moralistic rather than psychological or therapeutic. They
possessed no program for personality change. The group had no resource of
ideas
to help them rise above the ideational content locally possessed. Except for
their program of mutual aid they had no pattern of organization or activity
different from existing patterns. There was far too great a reliance upon
the
pledge, and not enough appreciation of other elements in their program. Work
with other alcoholics was not required, nor was the therapeutic value of
this
work explicitly recognized. There was no anonymity to keep the public from
becoming aware of broken pledges, or to keep individuals from exploiting the
movement for prestige and fame. Finally, there was not enough understanding
of
their own therapeutic program to formulate it and thus help the new groups
to
establish themselves on a sound and somewhat uniform basis.
The differences can be brought out more clearly by a more detailed,
comparative
analysis of the Alcoholics Anonymous program - its principles, practices and
content.
1. Exclusively alcoholic membership.- There are many therapeutic values in
the
cohesiveness and solidarity which a group with a common problem can achieve.
But
in the light of the Washingtonian experience, the greatest long-run value of
an
exclusively alcoholic membership is that it permits and reinforces exclusive
attention to the rehabilitation of alcoholics.
2. Singleness of purpose. - As stated in the masthead of an organizational
publication (23), Alcoholics Anonymous "is not allied with any sect,
denomination, politics, organization or institution; does not wish to engage
in
any controversy, neither endorses nor opposes any causes. Our primary
purpose is
to stay sober and help other alcoholics to achieve sobriety."
Nothing can divide groups more quickly - and certainly destroy the
therapeutic
atmosphere effectively - than religious and political controversy. Strong
efforts were made in the Washingtonian movement to minimize sectarian,
theological and political differences, but the movement did not avoid
attracting
to itself the hostile emotions generated by these conflicts. Even if it had
been
more successful in this regard, it was still caught in all the controversy
to
which the temperance cause had become liable. Not only that, but within the
temperance movement itself it eventually became stranded on the issue of
moral
suasion versus legal action.
In the light of this experience, the position of Alcoholics Anonymous stands
in
decided and hopeful contrast. In refusing to endorse or oppose causes, and
particularly the temperance cause, A.A. is avoiding the greatest handicap
which
the Washingtonian movement had. Some temperance leaders may deplore that
A.A.
does not give them support, but they have no grounds for complaining that
they
are being opposed or hampered by A.A.
The A.A. program also contains a happy formula for avoiding the religious or
theological controversies which could easily develop even within the groups
as
presently constituted. This is the use of the term "Power" (greater or
higher),
and particularly the phrase "as we understood Him," in referring to this
Power,
or God. The tolerance which this phrase has supported is an invaluable
asset.
A further value of this single-minded concentration on the rehabilitation of
alcoholics is made obvious by the Washingtonian experience. Whenever, and as
long as, the Washingtonians were working hard at the reclamation of
drunkards,
they had notable success and the movement thrived and grew. This would
support
the idea that active outreach to other alcoholics is a factor in therapeutic
success and, at the same time, a necessary condition for growth - and even
for
survival. Entirely aside from the matter of controversy, then, this
singleness
of A.A. purpose is a condition of continued therapeutic success and
survival.
3. An adequate, clear-cut program of recovery. - Another great asset of
Alcoholics Anonymous is the ideology which forms the content and context of
its
program of recovery, and which has received clear and attractive expression
in
the book Alcoholics Anonymous (24) and in other A.A. literature. This
ideology
incorporates the much sounder understanding of alcoholism which has been
developed in recent years. It is a pragmatic blend of that which scientific
research, dynamic psychology and mature religion have to offer; and through
the
literature of the movement, the members are kept sympathetically oriented to
the
developments in these fields.
Accordingly, instead of viewing alcoholism with a moralistic eye on alcohol
- as
an evil which ought to be abandoned - A.A. sees alcoholism as an illness,
symptomatic of a personality disorder. Its program is designed to get at the
basic problem, that is, to bring about a change in personality.
This program is simply and clearly stated in the Twelve Steps - augmented by
the
"24 hour program" of abstaining from alcohol, and the supporting slogans and
emphases such as "First things first," "Live and let live," "Easy does it,"
"Keep an open mind," honesty, humility, and so forth. Great stress is also
put
upon regular attendance at the group meetings, which are characterized by
the
informal exchange of experiences and ideas and by a genuinely satisfying
fellowship.
Compared to the Washingtonian brand, the A.A. sharing of experiences is
notably
enriched by the psychological insights which have been brought into the
group by
A.A. literature and outside speakers. A thorough analysis and catharsis is
specifically asked for in the Twelve Steps - as well as an improvement in
relations to other persons. Work with other alcoholics is required, and the
therapeutic value accruing to the sponsor of new members is distinctly
recognized. The spiritual part of the program is more clearly and
inclusively
defined; more soundly based, and more frankly made an indispensable
condition of
recovery.
It appears, furthermore, that the A.A. group activity is more satisfactory
to
the alcoholic than was the case in many Washingtonian societies. A.A.
members
seem to find all the satisfaction and values in their groups that the
founders
of the various orders thought were lacking in the Washingtonian groups.
A decided Washingtonian weakness was its general lack of follow-through. In
contrast, A.A. is particularly strong on this point, providing a potent
follow-through in a group setting where self-analysis and catharsis are
stimulated; where new attitudes toward alcohol, self and others are learned;
where the feeling tones are modified through a new quality of relationships;
where, in short, a new way of life is acquired - one which not only enables
the
person to interact with his environment (particularly with other persons)
without the use of alcohol, but enables him to do so on a more mature,
satisfying basis.
No doubt a similar change occurred in many (though probably not in most) of
the
alcoholic Washingtonians, but it was more by a coincidence, within and
without
the societies, of circumstances that were rarely understood and never
formulated
into a definite, repeatable program. A.A. is infinitely better equipped in
this
respect.
4. Anonymity. - A comparison with the Washingtonian experience underscores
the
sheer survival value of the principle of anonymity in Alcoholics Anonymous.
At
the height of his popularity, John B. Gough either "slipped" or was tricked
by
his enemies into a drunken relapse. At any rate, the opponents of the
Washingtonian movement seized upon this lapse with glee and made the most of
it
to hurt Gough and the movement. This must have happened frequently to less
widely known but nevertheless publicly known Washingtonians. Public
confidence
in the movement was impaired. Anonymity protects the reputation of A.A. from
public criticism not only of "slips" but also of failures, internal
tensions,
and all deviant behaviour.
Equally important, anonymity keeps the groups from exploiting prominent
names
for the sake of group prestige; and it keeps individual members from
exploiting
their A.A. connection for personal prestige or fame. This encourages
humility
and the placing of principles above personalities. Such behaviour not only
generates outside admiration of A.A. but has therapeutic value for the
individual members. There are further therapeutic values in anonymity: it
makes
it easier for alcoholics to approach A.A., and it relaxes the new member. It
encourages honest catharsis and utter frankness. It protects the new member
from
the critical eyes of certain acquaintances while he experiments with this
new
way of life, for fumbling and failure will be hidden.
5. Hazard-avoiding traditions. - Another decisive contrast to the
Washingtonian
movement is the development in Alcoholics Anonymous not only of a relatively
uniform program of recovery but also of relatively uniform traditions for
avoiding the usual hazards to which organizations are subject.
In Alcoholics Anonymous there is actually no overhead authority. Wherever
two or
three alcoholics get together to attain sobriety on the general basis of the
Twelve Step program they may call themselves an A.A. group. They are free to
conduct their activities as they see fit. As would be expected in a
fellowship
of independent groups, all kinds of practices and policies have been tried.
A
careful reading of the A.A. publication, A.A. Tradition (25), will reveal
how
great the variety has been, here and there. Membership has been limited.
Conduct
of groups has been undemocratic. Leaders have exploited the groups for
personal
prestige. The principle of anonymity has been violated. Personal and
jurisdictional rivalries have developed. Money, property and organizational
difficulties have disrupted A.A. groups. Members and groups, yielding to
their
own enthusiasms and reflecting the patterns of other institutions around
them,
have endangered the immediate and ultimate welfare of the A.A. fellowship.
These deviations could have been serious had there not existed a
considerable
uniformity in practice and principle.
In the early days of A.A., the entire fellowship was bound together by a
chain
of personal relationships - all created on the basis of a common program, a
common spirit and a common tradition. This spirit and this pragmatically
achieved program and tradition were the only guiding principles, and
relative
uniformity was not difficult. Alcoholics Anonymous was just a fellowship -
small, informal, poor and unpretentious. But with growth, prosperity and
prestige, the difficulties of getting all groups and members to see the
value of
these guiding principles increased. A self-conscious statement and
explanation
was needed - and this finally emerged in 1947 and 1948 in the "Twelve Points
of
Tradition," elaborated upon in editorials in The A.A. Grapevine (23) and
subsequently published as a booklet (25).
In formulating and stating the reasons for these traditions, Bill W., one of
the
founders, has continued the extremely valuable function which he, Dr. Bob
and
other national leaders have performed - that of keeping intact the
experienced
based program and principles of A.A. Perhaps as important as any other is
the
tradition of keeping authority in principles rather than letting it become
vested in offices and personalities. This tradition is supported by the
related
principle of rotating leadership, and the concept that leaders are merely
the
trusted servants of the group or groups. The hazard-avoiding values of these
traditions are obvious.
The tradition that membership be open to any alcoholic has value in
countering
the tendency toward exclusiveness, class-consciousness, cliquishness - and
it
helps to keep the groups focused on their main job of helping the "alcoholic
who
still suffers."
The tradition of complete self-support of A.A. groups and activities by the
voluntary contributions of A.A. members avoids the dangers inherent in fixed
dues, assessments, public solicitations, and the like - and it is conducive
to
self-reliance and self-respect. Furthermore, in minimizing money it
maximizes
fellowship.
The tradition that "any considerable property of genuine use to A.A. should
be
separately incorporated and managed" is important in keeping the A.A. groups
from becoming entangled in the problems of property beyond the minimum
necessary
for their own functioning. The tradition of "the least possible
organization"
has a similar value. These last three traditions might be summed up as
precautions against the common tendency to forget that money, property and
organization are only means - and that means find their rightful place only
when
the end is kept clearly in view. For A.A., these traditions should help to
keep
the groups concentrated on their prime purpose: helping alcoholics recover.
The existence of these traditions - and their clear formulation - are assets
which the Washingtonian movement never possessed.
What prognosis for Alcoholics Anonymous is suggested by this comparison with
the
Washingtonian movement?
The least that can be said is that the short life of the Washingtonian
movement
simply has no parallel implications for A.A. Despite certain but limited
similarities in origins, purpose and early activities, the differences are
too
great to draw the conclusion of a similar fate for A.A.
Are the differences, then, of such a nature as to assure a long life for
Alcoholics Anonymous? This much can be said with assurance of consensus: (A)
In
the light of our present-day knowledge, A.A. has a sounder program of
recovery
than the Washingtonians achieved. (B) A.A. has avoided many of the
organizational hazards which plagued the Washingtonian societies. The
success
and growth of A.A. during more than a decade of public life, its present
vigour
and its present unity underscore these statements and augur well for the
future.
In the writer's judgment, based on a systematic study (26) of A.A., there is
no
inherent reason why A.A. should not enjoy an indefinitely continued
existence.
How long an existence will depend upon how well the leaders and members
continue
to follow the present program and principles - that is, how actively A.A.
members will continue to reach out to other alcoholics; how thoroughly the
remainder of the A.A. program will continue to be practiced, particularly
the
steps dealing with catharsis and the spiritual aspects; and, how closely all
groups will be guided by the present traditions.
Finally, the writer would suggest that the value in the traditions lies
chiefly
in the avoidance of factors that can easily interfere with keeping the ideal
therapeutic atmosphere found in the small A.A. groups at their best. Most of
the
personality change necessary for recovery from alcoholism occurs in these
small
groups - and that work is at its very best when there is a genuinely warm,
nonegocentric fellowship. How well this quality of fellowship is maintained
in
the small, local groups is offered, therefore, as another condition
determining
how bright the future of A.A. will be.
Whatever the worth of these judgments, they point up the potential value to
A.A.
of careful, objective research on these and related conditions. This would
give
Alcoholics Anonymous another asset that the Washingtonians never had.
Yours in service,
Jim M,
http://www.silkworth.net/
IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII
++++Message 6403. . . . . . . . . . . . Did Bill Wilson and Eddie
Rickenbacker ever meet?
From: Stephen . . . . . . . . . . . . 3/19/2010 6:56:00 PM
IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII
I am researching whether or not Eddie Rickenbacker
and Bill Wilson ever met one another during the
course of their lives -- during Bill's training at
Plattsburg, New York, or in France during WW I, or
maybe after AA was founded?
Any information, or suggestions as to where I
could look?
Thank you. Steve A.
- - - -
From G.C. the moderator:
See http://health.groups.yahoo.com/group/AAHistoryLovers/message/4476
Eddie Rickenbacker story in the 12&12 (Tradition One, page 131)
"Countless times, in as many cities and
hamlets, we reenacted the story of Eddie
Rickenbacker and his courageous company when
their plane crashed in the Pacific. Like us,
they had suddenly found themselves saved from
death, but still floating upon a perilous
sea. How well they saw that their common
welfare came first. None might become selfish
of water or bread. Each needed to consider
the others, and in abiding faith they knew
they must find their real strength. And this
they did find, in measure to transcend all
the defects of their frail craft, every test
of uncertainty, pain, fear, and despair, and
even the death of one."
Bill Wilson also referred to the Eddie Rickenbacker story on a couple of
other
occasions, see:
http://health.groups.yahoo.com/group/AAHistoryLovers/message/27
"Our numbers are considerable. We have size. There is great security in
numbers.
You can't imagine how it was in the very first two or three years of this
thing
when nobody was sure that anybody could stay sober...Then we were like the
people on Eddie Rickenbacker's raft. Boy, anybody rock that raft, even a
little,
and he was sure to be clobbered, that's all, and then thrown overboard. But
today it's a different story."
"Along with greater security in numbers, there has come a certain amount of
liability. The more people there are to do a job, it often turns out, the
less
there are. In other words, what is everybody's business is nobody's
business. So
size is bound to bring complacency unless we get increasingly aware of
what's
going on."
http://health.groups.yahoo.com/group/AAHistoryLovers/message/57
and http://health.groups.yahoo.com/group/AAHistoryLovers/message/1695
"I remember very well when this committee started (January 1944) It brought
me
in contact with our great friends at Yale, the courageous Dr. Haggard, the
incredible Dr. Jellinek or 'Bunky' as we affectionately know him and Seldon
[Bacon] and all those dedicated people."
"The question arose, could an AA member get into education or research or
what
not? Then ensued a fresh and great controversy in AA which was not
surprising
because you must remember that in this period we were like people on
Rickenbacker's raft. Who would dare ever rock us ever so little and
precipitate
us back in the alcohol sea."
IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII
++++Message 6404. . . . . . . . . . . . Interesting book: Treatment of Black
Alcoholics
From: diazeztone . . . . . . . . . . . . 3/23/2010 4:04:00 PM
IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII
Interesting book: Treatment of Black Alcoholics
by Frances Larry Brisbane, Maxine Womble.
I found this while researching books and articles
written by Milton Maxwell.
http://books.google.com/books?id=DA7SmDh-X5cC&d
LD Pierce
www.aabibliography.com
summary page for milton maxwell
www.aabibliography.com/milton_a_maxwell.html
IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII
++++Message 6405. . . . . . . . . . . . H. P. Lovecraft
From: JoeA . . . . . . . . . . . . 3/24/2010 11:51:00 AM
IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII
I was wondering if anyone knew if Bill Wilson and HP Lovecraft had ever
encountered each other. The Wilsons were at 182 Clinton Street, and H. P.
Lovecraft rented rooms at 169 Clinton Street.
- - - -
169 Clinton Street, Brooklyn, New York. "Something unwholesome -- something
furtive -- something vast lying subterrenely in obnoxious slumber -- that
was
the soul of 169 Clinton St. at the edge of Red Hook, and in my great
northwest
room 'The Horror at Red Hook' was written."
--HPL in a letter to Bernard Austin Dwyer, March 26, 1927
IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII
++++Message 6406. . . . . . . . . . . . Libraries with major holdings on
alcoholism
From: nuevenueve@ymail.com . . . . . . . . . . . . 3/24/2010 8:23:00 PM
IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII
Hello Group:
Do you know whether there are, anywhere in the world, some libraries with
specialized holdings on alcoholism, AA material, other recovery programs,
addictions and all related items?
Maybe some of the pharmaceutical companies, but libraries where the general
public can have access to the books.
Thank you.
IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII
++++Message 6407. . . . . . . . . . . . Re: Interesting book: Treatment of
Black Alcoholics
From: rriley9945@aol.com . . . . . . . . . . . . 3/24/2010 9:01:00 PM
IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII
Frances Brisbane was for the longest time the head of the Social Work
program at
SUNY Stony Brook.
- - - -
Original Message from: diazeztone
Interesting book: Treatment of Black Alcoholics
by Frances Larry Brisbane, Maxine Womble.
I found this while researching books and articles
written by Milton Maxwell.
http://books.google.com/books?id=DA7SmDh-X5cC&d
LD Pierce
www.aabibliography.com
IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII
++++Message 6408. . . . . . . . . . . . RE: H. P. Lovecraft
From: J. Lobdell . . . . . . . . . . . . 3/24/2010 9:21:00 PM
IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII
I can't swear to it, but my recollection is that Lovecraft left Brooklyn
Heights
ca 1927, before Bill and Lois were there. It is of course possible they met
when HPL visited Samuel Loveman around New Year's Eve 1933 (HPL's only time
back
while Bill was there?), but unless Bill frequented Dauber & Pine's Bookshop
on
lower 5th Ave (which I doubt), there's no reason he would have known
Loveman.
And HPL was pretty much a teetotaller, besides being a Roosevelt supporter
--
not fertile ground for a meeting. But I don't know for sure.
> To: AAHistoryLovers@yahoogroups.com
> From: joeadams1950@gmail.com
>
> I was wondering if anyone knew if Bill Wilson and HP Lovecraft had ever
encountered each other. The Wilsons were at 182 Clinton Street, and H. P.
Lovecraft rented rooms at 169 Clinton Street.
>
IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII
++++Message 6409. . . . . . . . . . . . The outlaw safe cracker
From: Glenn Chesnut . . . . . . . . . . . . 3/24/2010 10:20:00 PM
IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII
Harriet D. has asked us about a line on page 62 in the Big book, in the
chapter
on How It Works.
This line refers to: "the outlaw safe cracker who thinks society has wronged
him."
Do any of our experts on early twentieth century U.S. history or literature
or
the lives of famous outlaws recognize that as a reference to any specific
person
or group of people who would have been well known to the average American in
1939?
Did Willie Sutton ever engage in safecracking, or did he just hold a
Thompson
submachine gun or a pistol on the tellers and demand the money in their cash
drawers? And had he become well known enough by 1939, that the general
public
would have recognized his name?
IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII
++++Message 6410. . . . . . . . . . . . Modern A.A. Recovery Rates
From: Glenn Chesnut . . . . . . . . . . . . 3/27/2010 1:59:00 PM
IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII
From: Harriet Dodd