role of the Persian Gulf, became much less important, not reviving until the Fatimids
were able to police and develop it in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. The Aksumite
cultural heritage (now bound firmly with Christianity), though no longer directed by a
king of Aksum from Aksum itself, but by a hadani or najashi from elsewhere, continued
its southward expansion, gradually retiring from the north and the coast over the
centuries. The process seems to have been gradual, since Arab writers long refer to the
size and wealth of the najashi's realm, and certain regions, though occupied by Muslims,
still remained tributary. In the later tenth century the state may have almost succumbed to
`Gudit', enabling the Agaw Zagwé eventually to seize control; but even then the churches
of Lalibela, attributed to the Zagwé period, still indicate a strong continuity with the
Aksumite cultural tradition.
By the mid-seventh century, then, Aksum had lost its political pre-eminence in the region
of the Ethiopian plateau, the coastal plains, and the Red Sea. The Ethiopian monarchy
had left Aksum and undoubtedly the nobility and the merchant community were also
departing. The city's monuments were falling into ruin, and, the result of a slow process
of attrition, the formerly rich agricultural land surrounding the city was now capable of
only a reduced yield. These were troubled times, and neither invasion nor revolt can be
ruled out; the undefended former capital would have been easy prey to invaders, as it was
to Gudit and Ahmad Gragn later. Nevertheless, even the most miserable conditions did
not deprive Aksum of its legendary heritage, and the departure of the king, the court, the
abun and all the trappings of a capital still left it pre-eminent in the possession of its
cathedral and religious tradition. The damage done to the cathedral, and the plunder of its
riches, did not seem to diminish the reverence of the Ethiopians for the venerable
structure; the church was rebuilt and coronation at Aksum was reinstituted as the symbol
of legitimate kingship. Aksum managed to survive the hardships of its declining fortunes,
and, a political backwater, it became enshrined in Ethiopian tradition as a sacred city, and
the repository of the national religion and culture.
16. The British Institute in Eastern Africa's Excavations
at Aksum
This final chapter is based on a talk given by the author to the Society of Antiquaries of
London in October 1987, designed more or less to coincide with the publication of the
report on the excavations undertaken for the BIEA by Dr. Neville Chittick at Aksum
from 1972-1974. Chittick's untimely death in 1984 prevented him from writing a fuller
account than his Preliminary Report of 1974, but this task was undertaken by the present
author, and has now been published (Munro-Hay 1989). Since the last major book on
Aksumite archaeology appeared before the First World War (Littmann 1913), new
studies based on archaeological excavation are long overdue. In addition, the
architectural, numismatic, chronological and general cultural information revealed by
Chittick's excavations has radically changed the impression gained of Aksum and its
civilisation through previously published material, and it is evidently useful to
recapitulate some of the main points here. Some of this material has been mentioned in
previous chapters, but is here described all together within the context of the two main
archaeological campaigns of 1973 and 1974.
The BIEA excavations which Chittick directed were on a large scale, and there was a
great deal of information to sift through. The result is that we have not only a much
clearer picture of many facets of Aksumite life, but also valuable indications towards a
chronology, one of the perennial problems in Aksumite studies. As usual, more
information produces more problems; we cannot claim to have more than begun to solve
them, but a good deal of progress has been made, and the general schema of Aksumite
history presented by this book has greatly benefited from Chittick's work.
The excavations explored a large number of sites in and around present-day Aksum. The
archaeology of these is fully described in Munro-Hay 1989. The location of the most
important sites was as follows.
The easternmost sites excavated were those flanking or near to the superstructure
covering the so-called Tombs of Kaleb and Gabra Masqal. Next to the west were a
number of stele sites, called Geza `Agmai (GA), `Enda Yesus (EY), and Ghele Emmi
(GE). In the eastern central part of the town the site DA revealed the Tomb of the Brick
Arches, and many trenches were laid out around the Stele Park (ST) to investigate and to
try to date the stelae. Among these trenches many tombs were discovered, including
Shaft Tombs labelled A-C, and the Mausoleum and East Tomb near the largest stele.
Certain other large tombs were also cleared; the Nefas Mawcha (NM) south of the great
terrace wall above which the three largest stelae stood, and, to the west of the main stelae
group, the Brick Vaulted Structure and the Tomb of the False Door (the THA and THC
trenches). In the ancient residential centre of the city, two sites revealed what were almost
certainly small parts of large mansions; they were labelled IW and ES. Fina lly, apart from
a number of relatively unimportant exploratory trenches around the Stele Park
(designated HAW, PW, WC, and ML), some trenches were laid out in a stelae field west
of the modern town, opposite the Dungur villa excavated by Anfray (1972); these were
called GT after the traditional identification of the area with the legendary queen Gudit.
An important, and previously unknown, feature found at Aksum, among the ST trenches,
was a series of buried stone-revetted platforms, the earliest of which seem to have been
constructed in the first century AD, according to radiocarbon readings. The latest seem to
have been erected, or rather expanded, in the fourth century. Behind their facades, the
platforms were filled with freshly-quarried stones with almost no admixture of earth, and
topped, relatively carefully, with layers of white and red soils. These, and considerable
deposits elsewhere, at such sites as GA, GE, and HAW, lay in levels which yielded no
coins, and thus seem to precede the first issues in c270-90AD. But in some of the GA and
ST early levels were glass fragments, including types such as the mosaic or millefiori
glass generally dated to between the first century BC and AD 100. The Periplus and other
accounts mention glass of several types among the items imported into Aksum from the
Roman empire, and these finds not only confirm the Periplus' report, but help to date
these platforms as the earliest yet known features at Aksum.
There are further indications that there was a considerable period of occupation at the site
before the `Classical Aksumite' period of the third and fourth centuries. Some stelae,
found standing upright in pits which had been dug into the earlier platforms, had been
completely buried by subsequent deposits. All were of a rough undressed type which
preceded the later carefully shaped and sometimes elaborately carved examples, some of
which could be dated to the later third and the fourth century AD by accompanying
material.
The stelae at Aksum have never been properly dated. During his excavations Chittick was
surprised to find that, according to his estimate, ` the coins indicate that the deposits on
which the stelae were erected accumulated in the Christian Aksumite period'. This
certainly seemed a little unlikely, in view of the mounting evidence as the excavations
progressed that the stelae were closely connected to tombs and were probably memorials
to the deceased Aksumite kings; but, as usual, the key to his dating was the coinage,
which has since been radically re-dated (Munro-Hay 1978 et seq.). The particular coin-
type which led Chittick to assume that he had found stelae of Christian date was an issue
attributed by earlier numismatists (Anzani 1926) to the sixth century king Kaleb or his
immediate successors. But the type can now be re-dated to a considerable time before
Kaleb, on the basis of overstriking on coins of king MHDYS, probably a close successor
of Ezana. Further, study of the stratigraphy in the trenches concerned has resulted in a
different interpretation of the sequence of events, and no longer supports the idea that
stelae were a late phenomenon at Aksum.
The French archaeologist Henri de Contenson, working at Aksum in the 1950's, found
that fragments of the broken summit of the largest stele of all (no. 1) lay below an
occupation level containing coins of the late fourth century king Ouazebas (de Contenson
1959: 29). The stele, according to the coin evidence, fell most probably in the late fourth
or early fifth century; that is, after the official conversion of king Ezana in c330AD, but
at a period sufficiently close to this event to make it likely that certain burial traditions
such as the erection of stelae had not yet lapsed. Other structures in the Stele Park area
are also dated to the later fourth century, and confirm that the cemetery was in use after
the advent of Christianity, but probably for decades rather than centuries.
The stelae seem to have all been associated with tombs, but as yet the direct pairing of
certain tombs with certain stelae remains difficult. Almost every trench opened in the
central (ST) area of Aksum yielded either a fallen stele, broken fragments, buried upright
stelae, or shafts leading to tombs and tunnels, and it is certainly premature to assume that
we know the lay-out of the necropolis. Two of the tombs were of quite unforeseen
dimensions and sophisticated architecture. One, possibly associated with the largest stele,
was dubbed the `Mausoleum', and consisted of a 15 × 15 metre complex of rooms off a
central passage. Included in its construction were drystone walling, a brick arch, three
shafts, dressed or rough granite roof-blocks, and a magnificent granite doorway in typical
Aksumite style. The second, called by the Tigrinya name `Nefas Mawcha', a name
meaning something like `the place where the winds go out', consisted of two outer
corridors roofed with dressed granite slabs, built around a central room which was
covered with a single slab measuring some 17m × 7m × 1½m. By a curious chance this
tomb, roofed by the second largest stone known to have been employed in Aksumite
construction work, was severely damaged when the largest stone of all, the great carved
stele, crashed down and struck the tomb's north-west corner. This upset the complicated
balance of roofing blocks and the entire tomb subsided. However, enough has remained
intact for the excavators to be able to propose a restoration of its original design.
Though the stelae may not have been objected to for religious reasons (it has even been
suggested that some of them bore crosses at the top, where nail- holes indicate some
applied decoration; van Beek 1967), the collapse of the largest one, and possibly of the
second largest too, may have been sufficient reason for the Aksumites to turn to a simpler
but essentially similar memorial, the house-tomb.
The most accomplished monument of this type at Aksum, the Tomb of the False Door,
was a surprising discovery. It is entirely made of dressed granite blocks, in the form of a
house-superstructure with a magnificent carved granite door over a tomb chamber and a
surrounding corridor, reached by a separate staircase from a paved courtyard. It was
dated by Chittick to the pre-Christian period, since it was overlain by deposits containing
glass attributed to the third century. However, it was later found that a stratum running
beneath the stones of its courtyard abutted against an earlier stone wall, part of a building
called the Brick Vaulted Structure. This latter, though incompletely excavated, appears to
have consisted of a series of burnt-brick vaults, with horse-shoe shaped arches and
granite relieving lintels, closely resembling the architecture of yet another tomb, the
Tomb of the Brick Arches, so-called from its three horse-shoe shaped arches. This latter
tomb cont ained material of probably mid-fourth century date. It therefore seems that the
Tomb of the False Door is later than the arched structures, and probably of late fourth or
early fifth century date. Very likely it was the next stage in the development of the
necropolis architecture, since the fall of the great stele would probably have discouraged
further such attempts, and the house-tomb type is a logical successor. A very close
stylistic link between tomb and stelae is provided by the doorway and lintel of the tomb,
carved in exactly the same manner as the doors depicted on the two largest, and latest,
stelae. The early material found over the tomb, which was one reason for Chittick's
assumption that it was of pre-Christian Aksumite date, appears to have been washed
down from the higher slopes of the Beta Giyorgis hill which dominates the necropolis; it
included a large number of stone scrapers also found in quantity on the top of the hill.
Two other house-tombs, the double tomb building locally attributed to the sixth-century
kings Kaleb and Gabra Masqal, and another found at the Eritrean site of Matara, are
comparable.
The picture we have of the town is not all taken from the necropolis. At the same time the
excavations cleared a number of domestic structures, particularly at two sites which were
designated IW and ES. These revealed rough stone-built walls, strengthened by two
techniques, wooden interlacing or the use of granite corner blocks. In addition the walls
were arranged in a series of recesses, so that there were no long stretches of wall, and
each wall rose in rebated steps, each lined with slate. This is, as we have noted (
Ch. 5: 4
),
typical Aksumite `mansion' architecture. Only a few rooms were cleared in each place,
but it was evident from the finds that these dwellings were the houses of prosperous
Aksumites in possession of a high standard of living. Objects found included the
fragments of many polished breccia bowls, glassware and elegant pottery, metalwork,
coins, and other items. Temples or churches were not found by the BIEA expedition, nor
were examples of the more humble dwellings which were probably built with perishable
materials such as wood and mud plaster with thatched roofs.
The tombs, though only one was completely cleared, yielded rich grave-goods. The
cleared one, marked by a rough stone stele, was not found in the main necropolis, but in
the Gudit Stele Field west of the town (GT II). It appears to date from the mid-third
century, and was merely a small chamber cut into the earth, with no built elements at all.
It contained particularly fine pottery, two sets of glasses (stem goblets and beakers), and a
large number of iron tools such as tweezers, saws, knives, and a sickle. The stele marking
the grave, and the pottery, are `Aksumite' elements; the glassware and tools could as well
be from a Roman site as an African one.
Tombs in the main necropolis were evidently much richer, and the excavation of only one
room in the 4th century Tomb of the Brick Arches revealed piles of grave-goods
(mentioned above,
Ch. 12
), including glassware, pottery vessels in a multitude of shapes,
some painted and decorated, all sorts of metalwork, including glass- inlaid bronze
plaques, fittings for what was probably a wooden chest, gold fragments, a silver amulet-
case, a bronze belt-buckle inlaid with silver and enamel crosses, iron knives with bone or
ivory handles, and even leather and wood. In a number of small inner loculi, constructed
by dividing the interior of the simply cut tomb by built stone walls, stone coffins could be
seen behind a partly broken blocking wall. This tomb was also a surprise from the
archit ectural point of view, since it was the first of those excavated which revealed the
burnt brick horseshoe arches later found in even more elaborate styles in the Brick
Vaulted Building. These must be among the earliest horse-shoe arches known, and were
quite unexpected elements in Aksumite architecture, not being repeated in the later rock-
cut churches of Tigray and Lasta. Other tombs consisted of carefully cut shafts leading
beneath the stelae into vast roughly cut chambers (Shaft Tombs A, B, and C), or into long
winding corridors (the Tunnel Complex), which may have belonged to tombs, or perhaps
more likely were robber tunnels. Though pottery, cut stone, skulls and so forth could be
seen lying in the rooms and corridors, little clearing could be done in the time available.
Much more work is necessary in the tombs found by the British Institute expedition, but
political events have precluded a return as yet.
Nothing significant was found in the tombs or buildings at Aksum which can be certainly
attributed to a later date than the sixth or early seventh century AD. The archaeological
record shows that the large residences were occupied or built around by squatters, even,
apparently, in the time of the last coin- issuing kings, then gradually covered by material
brought down by run-off from the deforested hills. The excavations thus confirm the
theory suggested above that by about 630AD the town had been abandoned as a capital,
although it continued on a much reduced scale as a religious centre and occasional
coronation place until the present.
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