of
it in the royal family, though impossible to guarantee, must usually have seemed the
safest course.
Delegation of authority was an evident necessity as the state expanded, and royal
responsibilities for defence and administration became strained. The custom of
confirming local rulers was one way of responding to this. Kirwan saw the `archons'
known from a sixth century account of Aksum as indicating an organised civilian
administration on the Byzantine model, in contrast to the regime of petty kings under a
supreme monarch (Kirwan 1972: 171). They may, in fact, be those same kings under a
new title, and it is, after all, only the Byzantine subject Kosmas who gives them the
Byzantine title `archon'. Malalas'
use of the title, as a comparative term when describing
the chariot of king Kaleb, seems to refer to the Byzantine archons, rather than to
Ethiopian ones (Kobishchanov 1979: 220; Munro-Hay 1980: 151). It is not known
whether Aksumite soldiers formed garrisons in the provincial towns, but in cases where
there was some uncertainty it would seem a likely form of check on the local rulers'
loyalty.
Kosmas Indikopleustes mentions two archons or governors in his comments about
Aksum during the reign of Kaleb Ella Atsbeha (Wolska-Conus 1968: 360, 368). These
rulers both held extremely important posts in the political structure of the state, since they
controlled vital links in the country's trade-system.
The archon of Adulis, Asbas, was in
charge of the port city, and the archon of the Agaw region controlled the gold trade of
Sasu (perhaps Fazugli in modern Sudan) and was responsible for forwarding the
caravans. These officials, if not members of his own family, or hereditary local `kings',
were certainly highly- trusted administrators in Kaleb's government. It may even be that
Aksumite officials of this rank were appointed to supervise specifically `Aksumite'
interests in the regions alongside the hereditary local rulers themselves.
In general, then, the Aksumites arranged for the administration of the lands under their
hegemony by appointing or confirming local rulers, and exacting tribute as a sign of
dependence. Failure to pay this was an act of rebellion and
a declaration of war against
the
negusa nagast. One inscription bluntly outlines the Aksumites' political philosophy
on the matter; "
those who obeyed, he spared; those who resisted, he killed" (
Ch. 11: 5
).
In the titulature of the Aksumite monarchs, the king is called the `king of kings' (
negusa
nagast in Ge`ez, and
basileus basileon in Greek). He claims authority over many other
regions, some of which were not only far distant but evidently under strong governments
of their own controlled by their own kings. These can
scarcely have been under the
authority of the `king of kings' to any great degree. These kingdoms, such as Saba,
Himyar, the Hadhramawt in South Arabia, and African states such as that of the Noba,
may have submitted in theory to Aksum, but very little, if any, real control can have been
exerted except during actual campaigns, or where garrisons were left. This actually was
the case in some South Arabian districts at times (a certain Sabqalum was possibly the
resident of the
nagashi in Najran; Jamme: 1962, 79, 319) but certainly not in all the three
Arabian kingdoms mentioned.
The lesser chiefdoms or kingdoms nearer to the core
of the Aksumite empire were
controlled by the king's peripatetic expeditions. These seem to have been designed as
tribute-collecting tours combined with a parade of the king's military might to overawe
anyone inclined to withhold their dues. Oddly enough, `rebellions' seem to have been
quite a frequent feature (see
Ch. 11: 5
for the texts of the inscriptions which mention
these), but the Aksumite cities and towns show no apparent concern with defence.
Possibly these rebellions were extremely localised, and for a good part of the time were
easy to deal with. Aksumite military organisation seems to have been mobile and
efficient, and very likely the occupants of the Aksumite heartland had little to fear from
these rebels against the state. Some, like the Agwezat, appear
in the fourth century as
dutiful subjects under their king SWSWT, bearing gifts to the Aksumite king Ousanas (?
DAE 8), then as rebels against Ezana (? DAE 9) under king Abba `Alkeo, and later in the
sixth century needed to be `pacified' by Kaleb as well in a campaign which he undertook
against both them and the Hasat people (Schneider 1974). The inscription of Kaleb, later
revered as both a Christian king and saint, proudly details the numbers of men, women
and children captured or killed. Ezana is supposed to have boasted — if the inscription is
correctly translated (see
Ch. 11: 5, DAE 9
) — that he seized the Agwezat king and
chained him, naked, with his `throne-bearer'. In many cases these rebellions are recorded
as being led by the local kings, who, of course, failed in their
bid for independence in all
the instances recorded by the pro-Aksumite writers of the inscriptions. The Tsarane tribe
of Afan was among those who were the object of one of Ezana's campaigns, ostensibly as
a punishment for interfering with a trade caravan. Their ruler was captured with his
children and his people were severely dealt with. Punishment for rebellion could be
death, captivity (resulting possibly in sacrifice — or presentation to the gods as a gift —
or slavery), and sometimes transportation to another area. Ezana transported six Beja
kings and their tribes, but the numbers given (a total of 4400) show that these tribes were
relatively small units (DAE 4, 6 & 7 and Geza `Agmai). The many lesser chiefdoms or
kingdoms mentioned in the inscriptions were not considered to be of sufficient
importance to warrant inclusion in the king of kings' titulature.
The Aksumite system of
ruling through existing tribal authorities must, in its way, have simply encouraged the
spirit of independence among the subject peoples. Since their identity as separate peoples
was not lost, weaknesses in the Aksumite state, or difficult moments such as the death of
an Aksumite king and a disputed succession could always give rise to attempts to shake
off the yoke. The inscription DAE 8, with its preamble referring to the king's `re-
establishment' of his emp ire, may have resulted from a new king's need to demonstrate
visibly his assumption of power. Possibly the regency of Ezana's
mother explains why
Ezana had to spend some time in re- integrating his kingdom after attaining his majority;
regencies for child-rulers were often dangerous periods in the life of a kingdom.
Nevertheless, eventually the smaller population groups lost their former separate
identities, became absorbed in the larger polity, and with this assimilation disappear from
Ethiopian history.
2. Officials of the Government