776
The Wealth of Nations
the colonies might require some considerable change in the present
system of British taxation.
What might be the amount of the revenue which this system of
taxation, extended to all the different provinces of the empire,
might produce, it must, no doubt, be altogether impossible to
ascertain with tolerable exactness. By means of this system, there
is annually levied in Great Britain, upon less than eight millions
of people, more than ten millions of revenue. Ireland contains
more than two millions of people, and, according to the accounts
laid before the congress, the twelve associated provinces of America
contain more than three. Those accounts, however, may have been
exaggerated, in order, perhaps, either to encourage their own
people, or to intimidate those of this country; and we shall sup-
pose, therefore, that our North American and West Indian colo-
nies, taken together, contain no more than three millions; or that
the whole British empire, in Europe and America, contains no
more than thirteen millions of inhabitants. If, upon less than eight
millions of inhabitants, this system of taxation raises a revenue of
more than ten millions sterling; it ought, upon thirteen millions
of inhabitants, to raise a revenue of more than sixteen millions
two hundred and fifty thousand pounds sterling. From this rev-
enue, supposing that this system could produce it, must be de-
ducted the revenue usually raised in Ireland and the plantations,
for defraying the expense of the respective civil governments. The
expense of the civil and military establishment of Ireland, together
with the interest of the public debt, amounts, at a medium of the
two years which ended March 1775, to something less than seven
hundred and fifty thousand pounds a year. By a very exact ac-
count of the revenue of the principal colonies of America and the
West Indies, it amounted, before the commencement of the present
disturbances, to a hundred and forty-one thousand eight hundred
pounds. In this account, however, the revenue of Maryland, of
North Carolina, and of all our late acquisitions, both upon the
continent, and in the islands, is omitted; which may, perhaps,
make a difference of thirty or forty thousand pounds. For the sake
of even numbers, therefore, let us suppose that the revenue neces-
sary for supporting the civil government of Ireland and the plan-
tations may amount to a million. There would remain, conse-
quently, a revenue of fifteen millions two hundred and fifty thou-
sand pounds, to be applied towards defraying the general expense
of the empire, and towards paying the public debt. But if, from
the present revenue of Great Britain, a million could, in peaceable
times, be spared towards the payment of that debt, six millions
two hundred and fifty thousand pounds could very well be spared
from this improved revenue. This great sinking fund, too, might
be augmented every year by the interest of the debt which had
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Adam Smith
been discharged the year before; and might, in this manner, in-
crease so very rapidly, as to be sufficient in a few years to discharge
the whole debt, and thus to restore completely the at-present de-
bilitated and languishing vigour of the empire. In the meantime,
the people might be relieved from some of the most burdensome
taxes; from those which are imposed either upon the necessaries
of life, or upon the materials of manufacture. The labouring poor
would thus be enabled to live better, to work cheaper, and to send
their goods cheaper to market. The cheapness of their goods would
increase the demand for them, and consequently for the labour of
those who produced them. This increase in the demand for labour
would both increase the numbers, and improve the circumstances
of the labouring poor. Their consumption would increase, and,
together with it, the revenue arising from all those articles of their
consumption upon which the taxes might be allowed to remain.
The revenue arising from this system of taxation, however, might
not immediately increase in proportion to the number of people
who were subjected to it. Great indulgence would for some time
be due to those provinces of the empire which were thus subjected
to burdens to which they had not before been accustomed; and
even when the same taxes came to be levied everywhere as exactly
as possible, they would not everywhere produce a revenue propor-
tioned to the numbers of the people. In a poor country, the con-
sumption of the principal commodities subject to the duties of
customs and excise, is very small; and in a thinly inhabited coun-
try, the opportunities of smuggling are very great. The consump-
tion of malt liquors among the inferior ranks of people in Scot-
land is very small; and the excise upon malt, beer, and ale, pro-
duces less there than in England, in proportion to the numbers of
the people and the rate of the duties, which upon malt is different,
on account of a supposed difference of quality. In these particular
branches of the excise, there is not, I apprehend, much more smug-
gling in the one country than in the other. The duties upon the
distillery, and the greater part of the duties of customs, in propor-
tion to the numbers of people in the respective countries, produce
less in Scotland than in England, not only on account of the smaller
consumption of the taxed commodities, but of the much greater
facility of smuggling. In Ireland, the inferior ranks of people are
still poorer than in Scotland, and many parts of the country are
almost as thinly inhabited. In Ireland, therefore, the consumption
of the taxed commodities might, in proportion to the number of
the people, be still less than in Scotland, and the facility of smug-
gling nearly the same. In America and the West Indies, the white
people, even of the lowest rank, are in much better circumstances
than those of the same rank in England; and their consumption of
all the luxuries in which they usually indulge themselves, is prob-