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eat very little bread.”
39
“To which may be added,” our essayist goes on, “that their
drink is either water or other small liquors, so that they spend very little money....
These things are very difficult to be brought about; but they are not impracticable,
since they have been effected both in France and in Holland.”
40
Twenty years later, an American humbug, the baronised Yankee, Benjamin Thompson (
alias
Count Rumford) followed the same line of philanthropy to the great satisfaction of God and man.
His “Essays” are a cookery book with receipts of all kinds for replacing by some succedaneum
the ordinary dear food of the labourer. The following is a particularly successful receipt of this
wonderful philosopher:
“5 lbs. of barleymeal, 7½d.; 5 lbs. of Indian corn, 6¼d.; 3d. worth of red herring,
1d. salt, 1d. vinegar, 2d. pepper and sweet herbs, in all 20¾.; make a soup for 64
men, and at the medium price of barley and of Indian corn ... this soup may be
provided at ¼d., the portion of 20 ounces.”
41
With the advance of capitalistic production, the adulteration of food rendered Thompson’s ideal
superfluous.
42
At the end of the 18th and during the first ten years of the 19th century, the English
farmers and landlords enforced the absolute minimum of wage, by paying the agricultural
labourers less than the minimum in the form of wages, and the remainder in the shape of
parochial relief. An example of the waggish way in which the English Dogberries acted in their
“legal” fixing of a wages tariff:
“The squires of Norfolk had dined, says Mr. Burke, when they fixed the rate of
wages; the squires of Berks evidently thought the labourers ought not to do so,
when they fixed the rate of wages at Speenhamland, 1795.... There they decide
that ‘income (weekly) should be 3s. for a man,’ when the gallon or half-peck loaf
of 8 lbs. 11 oz. is at 1s., and increase regularly till bread is 1s. 5d.; when it is
above that sum decrease regularly till it be at 2s., and then his food should be 1/5
th less.”
43
Before the Committee of Inquiry of the House of Lords, 1814, a certain A. Bennett, a large
farmer, magistrate, poor-law guardian, and wage-regulator, was asked:
“Has any proportion of the value of daily labour been made up to the labourers out
of the poors’ rate?” Answer: “Yes, it has; the weekly income of every family is
made up to the gallon loaf (8 lbs. 11 oz.), and 3d. per head!... The gallon loaf per
week is what we suppose sufficient for the maintenance of every person in the
family for the week; and the 3d. is for clothes, and if the parish think proper to
find clothes; the 3d. is deducted. This practice goes through all the western part of
Wiltshire, and, I believe, throughout the country.”
44
“For years,” exclaims a
bourgeois author of that time, “they (the farmers) have degraded a respectable
class of their countrymen, by forcing them to have recourse to the workhouse ...
the farmer, while increasing his own gains, has prevented any accumulation on the
part of his labouring dependents.”
45
The part played in our days by the direct robbery from the labourer’s necessary consumption fund
in
the formation of surplus-value, and, therefore, of the accumulation fund of capital, the so-
called domestic industry has served to show. (Ch. xv., sect. 8, c.) Further facts on this subject will
be given later.
Although in all branches of industry that part of the constant capital consisting of instruments of
labour must be sufficient for a certain number of labourers (determined by the magnitude of the
undertaking), it by no means always necessarily increases in the same proportion as the quantity
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of labour employed. In a factory, suppose that 100 labourers working 8 hours a day yield 800
working-hours. If the capitalist wishes to raise this sum by one half, he can employ 50 more
workers; but then he must also advance more capital, not merely for wages, but for instruments of
labour. But he might also let the 100 labourers work 12 hours instead of 8, and then the
instruments of labour already to hand would be enough. These would then simply be more rapidly
consumed. Thus additional labour, begotten of the greater tension of labour-power, can augment
surplus-product and surplus-value (i.e., the subject-matter of accumulation), without
corresponding augmentation in the constant part of capital.
In the extractive industries, mines, &c., the raw materials form no part of the capital advanced.
The subject of labour is in this case not a product of previous labour, but is furnished by Nature
gratis, as in the case of metals, minerals, coal, stone, &c. In these cases the constant capital
consists almost exclusively of instruments of labour, which can very well absorb an increased
quantity of labour (day and night shifts of labourers, e.g.). All other things being equal, the mass
and value of the product will rise in direct proportion to the labour expended. As on the first day
of production, the original produce-formers, now turned into the creators of the material elements
of capital – man and Nature – still work together. Thanks to the elasticity of labour-power, the
domain of accumulation has extended without any previous enlargement of constant capital.
In agriculture the land under cultivation cannot be increased without the advance of more seed
and manure. But this advance once made, the purely mechanical working of the soil itself
produces a marvellous effect on the amount of the product. A greater quantity of labour, done by
the same number of labourers as before, thus increases the fertility, without requiring any new
advance in the instruments of labour. It is once again the direct action of man on Nature which
becomes an immediate source of greater accumulation, without the intervention of any new
capital.
Finally, in what is called manufacturing industry, every additional expenditure of labour
presupposes a corresponding additional expenditure of raw materials, but not necessarily of
instruments of labour. And as extractive industry and agriculture supply manufacturing industry
with its raw materials and those of its instruments of labour, the additional product the former
have created without additional advance of capital, tells also in favour of the latter.
General result: by incorporating with itself the two primary creators of wealth, labour-power and
the land, capital acquires a power of expansion that permits it to augment the elements of its
accumulation beyond the limits apparently fixed by its own magnitude, or by the value and the
mass of the means of production, already produced, in which it has its being.
Another important factor in the accumulation of capital is the degree of productivity of social
labour.
With the productive power of labour increases the mass of the products, in which a certain value,
and, therefore, a surplus-value of a given magnitude, is embodied. The rate of surplus-value
remaining the same or even falling, so long as it only falls more slowly, than the productive
power of labour rises, the mass of the surplus-product increases. The division of this product into
revenue and additional capital remaining the same, the consumption of the capitalist may,
therefore, increase without any decrease in the fund of accumulation. The relative magnitude of
the accumulation fund may even increase at the expense of the consumption fund, whilst the
cheapening of commodities places at the disposal of the capitalist as many means of enjoyment as
formerly, or even more than formerly. But hand-in-hand with the increasing productivity of
labour, goes, as we have seen, the cheapening of the labourer, therefore a higher rate of surplus-
value, even when the real wages are rising. The latter never rise proportionally to the productive
power of labour. The same value in variable capital therefore sets in movement more labour-