China, Europe and the Netherlands: Opportunity Is Knocking at Our Doors

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married. On average, these populations have about six 
children.
Return migrants have completed somewhat lower 
levels of education than those who remained in Mexico 
but clearly less than those who remained in the United 
States (Figure 1). Among return migrants, those who 
stayed longer in the United States have somewhat 
higher levels of education.
Return migrants who stayed in the United States 
longer have higher incomes than those who never left 
or returned earlier. At the same time, they are less like-
ly to have ever contributed to a Mexican social-security 
institute.
One possible reason for the higher levels of income 
among return migrants, particularly those who lived 
in the United States longer, is their continuing to work 
at older ages (Figure 2). Among those 65 to 69 years of 
age, about three in five return migrants work, nearly 
half working full-time. Among those at least 70 years of 
age, more than two in five return migrants work, with 
  
36%
30%
11%
24%
60%
58%
24%
11% 7%
24%
7% 9%
Immigrants from Mexico 
remaining in the USA 
Non-migrants 
remaining in Mexico
Migrants returning to 
Mexico from the USA  
Sources: 
2003 Mexican Health and Aging Study; 2004 Health and Retirement Study
0~3
4~6
7~9
10+
Despite the importance of migration in the work lives of many 
Mexicans, retirement decisions of older return migrants are not well 
understood. The ageing of the Mexican population will require a 
deeper understanding of older return migrants, how their access to 
health care and social-security benefits determine retirement behavior, 
and the importance of instituting a bilateral social-security agreement 
between the United States and Mexico. 
Figure 1: Distribution of Migrant Populations (at least 50 years of age) by 
Years of Education Completed
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064 
  Apr. 2015
Public Policy 
more than one in four doing so full-time.
One possible reason for return-migrants to continue 
working is their lack of social-security coverage. About 
one in four older persons among the migrant and 
non-migrant populations are receiving some type of 
social-security benefit, whether from the U.S. Social Se-
curity Administration, a Mexican Social Security Insti-
tute, or a private pension. The source of these varies by 
population. Return migrants who stayed longer in the 
United States are most likely to receive benefits from 
the U.S. Social Security Administration, while those 
who never migrated are most likely to receive benefits 
from a Mexican Social Security Institute.
The difficulties that migrants have in attaining so-
cial-security benefits may influence their decisions to 
remain in the United States or to return to Mexico. 
Another possible influence is individual health needs. 
According to the 2003 Mexican Health and Aging 
Study, older Mexican immigrants remaining in the 
United States are less likely to have health insurance 
(64 percent) than return migrants (78 percent) and 
non-migrants (77 percent). Furthermore, and contrary 
to the “salmon-bias” hypothesis, which suggests that 
U.S.Social Security
Mexican Social Security
Private Pensions
0.6%
20.3%
1.6%
6.5%
16.9%
1.1%
0.2%
21.9%
Part-time work
Full-time work
Return Migrants
Non-Migrants
Non-Migrants
Return Migrants
Ages 65 to 69
Ages 70 and above
70%
60%
50%
40%
30%
20%
10%
0%
Figure 2: Work Status of Return Migrants and Non-Migrants in Mexico
Figure 3: Receipt of Social-Security Benefits by Migration Status
Source: 
2001 Mexican Health and Aging Study
Short-term migrants
(Less than a year)
Long-term migrants
(More than one year)
No migrants
Source: 
2001 Mexican Health and Aging Study
1.4%
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Mexicans in the United States return to Mexico due to 
poor health, immigrants remaining in the United States 
are more likely to have health insurance, and less likely 
to have some (but not all) health problems as well as a 
limitation on daily activity, than return migrants and 
non-migrants.
Survey data of older immigrants and return mi-
grants can shed new light on the health and economic 
status of these populations. They provide a broader 
perspective of the migration histories than other sur-
veys because the respondents have completed much of 
their working lives.
Many Mexicans do not have access to public health 
insurance and will not benefit from public retirement 
pensions. Older return migrants are even less likely to 
have been able to participate in either the US or Mex-
ican social-security systems long enough to qualify for 
benefits. As a result, work past the age of 70 is com-
mon—and even more likely for return migrants.
Despite the importance of migration in the work 
lives of many Mexicans, retirement decisions of older 
return migrants are not well understood. The ageing 
of the Mexican population will require a deeper under-
standing of older return migrants, how their access to 
health care and social-security benefits determine re-
tirement behavior, and the importance of instituting a 
bilateral social-security agreement between the United 
States and Mexico. 
While the United States and Mexico already have 
bilateral social-agreements with several countries, they 
have not approved one with each other. Such an agree-
ment, which encompassed legal Mexican workers, 
could give legal migrant workers the ability to receive 
retirement benefits comparable to those of non-mi-
grants in Mexico—and thereby give legal workers more 
flexibility to return to Mexico for job or family reasons. 
The labor-market flexibility resulting from such an 
agreement could provide incentives for legal migrant 
workers to return home rather than staying longer in 
the United States in order to become eligible for U.S. 
social-security benefits.
Older return migrants are a vulnerable group be-
cause of the lack of pensions and health-insurance ben-
efits. Further research can help inform policy debates 
on a social-security agreement between the United 
States and Mexico that recognizes totalizing contri-
butions to each country’s social-security system could 
improve the income security of return migrants.
Emma Aguila
Assistant Professor, Sol Price School of Public Policy, University of South California; 
Former Senior Economist and Director, RAND Center for Latin American Social Policy
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