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It should be obvious. What we have in Abkhazia and South Ossetia is the
Russo-Georgian confrontation, not ethno-conflicts. 
Resting on the unstable supply of energy from Russia, Caucasus gains
importance both for the West and for the East. Today the world ‘has enough
time and energy’ for Georgia. This resulted in opening a new page in Russo-
Georgian relations. The current Georgian government has returned to status
of occupational forces to the Russian militaries. It has also voiced its determi-
nation to leave CIS. 
What should be done in future? If Russia is really going to reestablish
the Soviet Union, then the West will have to protect the post Cold War global
structure and the newly established post-communist states. Open occupation
of Georgia would have resulted in a new Cold War and harsh economic sanc-
tions from the West. Even Russia would be under threat on the regional level,
as the Caucasus remains instable and the constituency of Russian army today
increasingly includes Chechens and other ethnic minorities. Even less impor-
tant steps form the Russian side require adequate reaction. The Central Eu-
ropean states deeply concerned with the Georgian crisis quickly gave consent
on installing the Anti Ballistic System on their territories (a thing Putin has so
fiercely opposed). Closer relations between Georgia and NATO reveal how
Russia pushed Georgia to tightening its ties with the West. At the same time,
the West can inflict great economic losses on Russia if it declares the Russian
passports issued for citizens of South Ossetia invalid; also tough economic
sanctions may be imposed of the Russian Federation. In this case Kremlin will
have to rule a poor and instable province. 
Thus Russia gained nothing by violating the international norms. Much
has changed after the Cold War- including the nature of warfare, where the
role of mass-media and the international society has increased immensely.
Such actions as bombing a hospital (protected under the international law),
opening fire at non-combatants (the reporters), and not providing security
for civilians on the occupied territory- will not go unnoticed. Such unaccept-
able methods of warfare as destroying the local infrastructure (explosion of
the railroad), inflicting damage on the unique nature located kilometers away
from the conflict zone were used for the sole aim- to punish Georgia for its
Western orientation. Even the fascists refrained from destroying the nature
listed in the Red Book. The latter is an instance of ‘ecologic terrorism’ commit-
ted by one state against another. One of the main targets of Russia included
the pipeline owned by the British Petroleum (BP) thus the conflict in Georgia
had an international character- namely Russia confronted rest of the world by
attacking Georgia. 
The fact that one of the largest states- Russia remains so inconsistent
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Caucasus Journal of Social Sciences


and unpredictable should serve as an impetus for a new level of development
in international and humanitarian law. Indeed, what can the international
community do against a member who does not obey the common rules- the
state which confronts the core principles of the international system and the
international law, the state which is utterly deprived of logic of conduct. While
recognizing Kosovo remains a catastrophe, recognition of Abkhazia or South
Ossetia is quite normal from the perspective of Kremlin authorities. Russia
had to protect its citizens in South Ossetia, but it had to kill them ruthlessly
during notorious Nord Ost. This is the strange logic of Kremlin, principles of
which remain mysterious for the rest of the world. 
From the lessons of history it may be inferred that for its survival the in-
ternational system requires constant perfection. After failure of the League of
Nations to prevent World War I, the new and more powerful organization the
United Nations was formed. Today the Russian aggression demonstrates the
weaknesses of the UN and the international law. Thus it would be logical to
predict upcoming reforms. Either Russia will win and the world will return to
anarchy, or the civilized world will protect its right to exist by further devel-
oping international law. Today the international society stands before a
choice: where it prefers to live in a world organized according to international
norms or in middle ages. 
As the rest of the world has much more economic, political and military
resources then Russia, its logical to think the winner will be the former. And
the international law in future will have stronger mechanisms of punishing
any state which will dare to go against all, even against its own self. 
References
Aeberhard, P.  (1996). A Historical Survey of Humanitarian Action,
Health and Human Rights, Vol. 2, No. 1, Human Rights and Health Profession-
als pp. 30-44, 
http://www.jstor.org/stable/4065234
Arms Transfer Decisions Applying International Humanitarian Law Cri-
teria. (2007). ICRC, Retrieved on March 4, 2008 from
http://www.icrc.org/
Web/Eng/siteeng0.nsf/htmlall/p0916/$File/ICRC_002_0916.PDF!Open
Boettcher, W. (2004). Military Intervention Decisions Regarding Hu-
manitarian Crises, The Journal of Conflict Resolution, Vol. 48, No. 3 (Jun., 2004),
pp. 331-355 Published by: Sage Publications, http://www.jstor.org/sta-
ble/3176212
Bugnion F. (January 2006). Jus ad Bellum, Jus in Bello and Non Interna-
tional Armed Conflicts, Retrieved on February 23, 2008 from
http://www.icrc.org/Web/eng/siteeng0.nsf/htmlall/francois-bugnion-article-
150306/$File/jus%20ad%20bellum,%20jus%20in%20bello%20and%20non-
189
Caucasus Journal of Social Sciences


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