Christopher Kennedy
15
According to Postal (2001), these contrasts provide evidence for a structural anal-
ysis of the deleted VP as in (45b). Postal observes that subject-internal parasitic
gaps such as those in the preceding examples require the presence of a local A-
dependency; since no such dependency exists in the (a) sentences, the subject-
internal gap is not licensed. The gap may be licensed by another parasitic gap
chain, however:
(48)
a.
Otis is a person who
£
I admire
¥¦£
because close friends of
PG
£
seem
to respect
PG
£
.
b.
Which film
£
did you see
¥¦£
because a critic of
PG
£
had recommended
PG
£
?
The fact that (46b) and (47b) are grammatical, then, means that the deleted VPs
must contain parasitic gaps. That is, they must have the structure in (45b), as illus-
trated in (49).
(49)
a.
Otis is a person who
£
I admire
¥¦£
because close friends of
PG
£
seem
to [
VP
admire
PG
£
]
b.
Which film
£
did you see
¥¦£
because a critic of
PG
£
advised you to
[
VP
see
PG
£
]
Postal’s observation holds of other “dependent” parasitic gaps as well. In the
following examples, the dependent parasitic gap appears a clause that is adjoined
to another adjunct clause. As shown by (50b), a parasitic gap in the second adjunct
requires the presence of a parasitic gap (or some other A-dependency) in the first
adjunct — it cannot be directly licensed by the wh-chain in the main clause, as this
would violate the Adjunct Island Constraint.
(50)
a.
Who
£
did you call
¥¦£
[before learning that I already had gotten in
touch with
PG
£
[after seeing
PG
£
in the street]]?
b.
Who
£
did you call
¥¦£
[before learning that I already had gotten in
touch with him
£
[after seeing
PG
£
in the street]]?
The fact that an example like (51a) is well-formed, then, means that the elided VP
in the first adjunct must have an analysis in which it contains a parasitic gap, as in
(45b).
(51)
a.
Who
£
did you call
¥¦£
[before learning that I already had [after seeing
PG
£
in the street]]?
16
Ellipsis and Syntactic Representation
b.
Who
£
did you call
¥¦£
before learning that I already had [
VP
called
PG
£
]
after seeing
PG
£
in the street?
Postal (2001) strengthens the conclusion that both (45a) and (45b) are pos-
sible structures for elided VPs by showing that examples involving dependent par-
asitic gaps, unlike the “non-parasitic” gap structures discussed in section 3.1, are
sensitive to islands. This is illustrated by the following examples, which are par-
allel to the examples in (30)-(33) except that VP-deletion does not save the island
violations.
(52)
Wh-islands
a.
Which band
£
did you hire
¥¦£
only after people told you why you
should book
PG
£
while insisting they adored
PG
£
?
b.
Which band
£
did you hire
¥¦£
only after people told you why you
should while insisting they adored
PG
£
?
(53)
Adjuncts
a.
Which film
£
did you refuse to see
¥¦£
because Roger was so revolted
while he watched
PG
£
after renting
PG
£
?
b.
Which film
£
did you refuse to see
¥¦£
because Roger was so revolted
when he did after renting
PG
£
?
(54)
Complex NPs
a.
Mayor Daley, whom
£
everyone met
¥¦£
after grabbing the person who
had arranged the opportunity to see
PG
£
while pointing at
PG
£
, dis-
cussed Chicago politics.
b.
Mayor Daley, whom
£
everyone met
¥¦£
after grabbing the person who
had arranged the opportunity to while pointing at
PG
£
, discussed Chicago
politics.
As Postal points out, the unacceptability of the (b) sentences is due to the fact that
both of the possible syntactic representations of the elided VP — the one corre-
sponding to (45a) and the one corresponding to (45b) — result in ill-formed struc-
tures: the missing parasitic gap analysis (45b) triggers an island violation in the first
adjunct, and the non-parasitic gap analysis (45a) fails to license the dependent par-
asitic gap in the second adjunct. This is illustrated by the examples in (55), which
show the two possible syntactic representations of (52)-(54).