Chapter 6 – Documenting lexical knowledge
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is terminologically matched by a reciprocal terminological projection for
younger siblings that their vix or older sister is a kind of substitute mother.
Figure 6. Tzotzil sibling terms
As the classic debates show, however, kinship “algebras” and diagrams
conceal a central problem in documenting lexical knowledge, one already
mentioned above: the tension between so-called “etic” metalanguages and
“emic” categories. In any given language, one can justifiably question
whether putatively universal descriptive terms for characterizing a particu-
lar kin relationship (in terms, say, of gender, generation, and kin-line, or
with allegedly primitive relational terms like F[ather], M[other], H[usband],
W[ife], or with algebraic symbols like +, –, , ) do justice either to the
meaning of a particular natural language term or to a specific relationship
between two individuals. Indeed, in societies which display a clear obses-
sion with kinship and kinship terminologies (for example, in the Australian
Aboriginal communities where I have worked), a central area of dispute
and conceptual wrangling is often exactly how to give the proper lexical
label to a relationship, or how to explain what a particular unambiguously
named relationship entails. My main Guugu Yimithirr teacher, for example,
156
John B. Haviland
would often point out a kinsman walking past and say, “You should call
that man X; because his father was your W; but then again, he turned
around and married your Y, so what does that make him? your Z?” A ge-
nealogical relationship between two individuals does not uniquely deter-
mine what the relevant kin term might be, since that, in turn, may respond
to considerably more complex factors about what aspects of the relation-
ship are most important. In modern Zinacantán, in some cases a ritual rela-
tionship of compadrazgo or fictive-mutual-parenthood (between the parents
and the godparents of a newly baptized child, for example) may actually
take precedence over an immediate genealogical relationship: brothers may
become compadres and cease to refer to each other with sibling terms.
For purposes of systematic documentation, this domain again illustrates
the tension between a “corpus” of examples and systematic eliciting. No
single network of actual social/genealogical relationships and the corre-
sponding terminological distinctions can hope to capture the systematicity
of the overall terminological-conceptual complex. At the same time, no
extensional metalanguage (such as the genealogical primitives of kinship
algebra) will be sufficient to guarantee that all socially significant variables
emerge from mechanical elicitation. An adequate lexical database must
combine both kinds of information.
4.3. Pragmatic reality
Methods for enriching a lexical database to include the use of indexical
linguistic units inextricably bound to context are somewhat harder to find
in recent literature. All linguistic behavior is, of course, tied to context and
linked with action, but some of the most intractable lexical items frequently
have inherent links to their indexical surrounds – pronouns and other deic-
tics being the most obvious examples, since even their referents (whom
they pick out) must be computed by reference to the contexts of their use.
Studies of such lexical domains suggest that the only practical approach to
the description of such parts of the lexicon is a kind of exhaustive observa-
tional fieldwork. Thus, Hanks (1990) gives detailed analysis of the system
of demonstratives in Yucatec Maya based on extensive fieldwork in which
he recorded, in detail, situated occurrences of spontaneous deictic usage,
inducing from the corpus and from the linguistic forms the theoretical
components of an adequate account of deictic practice.
Another exemplary domain is that of exclamations and interjections.
Kockelman’s extended treatment of interjections in Q’eq’chi (Kockelman
Chapter 6 – Documenting lexical knowledge
157
2003) involved a field methodology much like that of Hanks. He systemati-
cally recorded the circumstances when utterances categorized as interjec-
tions occurred in a Q’eq’chi speaking community in Guatemala. On the
basis of such a corpus, he elaborated a theory of interjections which goes
well beyond the received model of their “expressive” nature (part of an
ancient tradition in Western linguistic thought, dating back to the Latin
grammarians), to consider the multiple and bi-directional indexical proper-
ties of these expressions: exhibiting emotional and affective stances, explic-
itly inviting reciprocal exhibits from interlocutors, drawing interlocutors’
attention to circumstances, requesting actions, and so on. Such studies sug-
gest that there are few shortcuts to an adequate account of what such prag-
matically charged linguistic elements mean, and that extensive ethnographic
fieldwork is thus an essential part of field lexicography.
The same can be said of more prosaic vocabulary, from ordinary body
part terms to specially marked polite and impolite registers, such as joking
and cursing speech. I have already mentioned the residual lexical complexi-
ties produced by changed use of Guugu Yimithirr respectful or “brother-in-
law” vocabulary, and such complexities are only multiplied when several
more or less well regimented speech registers are in active use in a speech
community. Classic anthropological descriptions of such phenomena attest
to the subtlety and nuance communicated by strategic choice between al-
ternate lexical forms in societies from Aboriginal Australia and Samoa to
Bali (Duranti 1992; Errington 1985; Geertz 1960), or between address
terms and personal pronouns from Europe to Japan (Brown and Gilman
1960). Laughlin (1975) proposes a series of labels to distinguish in Zi-
nacantec Tzotzil such things as “ritual speech, joking speech, male and
female speech, baby talk, polite speech, scolding, denunciatory speech,
archaic [words],” etc. Whether or not a field lexicographer can give a com-
plete account of such facts for an entire lexical database, it is important to
be aware of the sorts of metalinguistic speech categories that might be rele-
vant in a given speech community.
For self evident reasons, systematic investigation of such genres – for
example, tabooed speech – may be hard for inexperienced fieldworkers.
Similarly difficult are whole systems of linguistic tropes which sometimes
dominate parts of a language’s expressive resources. Again, the only remedy
seems to be wide ranging and systematic ethnographic attention. Here are
two examples from my own fieldwork. As I learned Guugu Yimithirr, I
noticed that many expressions dealing with human propensities and “inner
states” were transparently metaphors, based on a small set of words which
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