31
added a considerable non-Russian and mostly Muslim population to the
Russian population. Thus, the policy against the non-Russians and non-
Christians was applied by the Orthodox Church. The result of this policy was
the suppression of Islam and the Christianization of non-Christian peoples in
Russian conquered lands, and that was considered to be one of the most
crucial conditions for the continuity of state. Yemelianova argues as follows:
“The official Byzantinization of the Russian state enabled its rulers to
overcome their political and psychological dependence on the Genghizids and
to legitimize their claims to Russia’s imperial mission as the gatherer of the
former Golden Horde’s territories and the civilizer of its population. Byzantine
Orthodox Christianity was supposed to enhance the divine and sacral
authority of the Russian tsar over his multi-ethnic and poly-confessional
subjects. Therefore, the enforced comprehensive Christianization of Russia’s
population was regarded as a vital condition for the stability of the state.”
68
Consequently, while the Orthodox Church was becoming the supplier
of the official religion to state policies, the suppression of Islam - except few
exceptions
69
- developed into the main tenet of integration of non-Russian
territories to the Russian state. The period until the time of Peter can be
characterized as a period when many Orthodox Russians developed enmity
against the infidels, especially against the Muslims. However, until the time
of Peter, this enmity didn’t turn into a feeling of superiority to an
underdeveloped enemy.
68
Yemelianova, op. cit., in note 25, p. 36.
69
At the time of Kazan’s archbishop Guriy and German, the “voluntary transition” to
Christinanity turned to be the main understanding. See Robert P Geraci. Window on
the East. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 2001, pp. 18-19.
32
3.3 The Development of Translation Works
It is expectable that Russia, which was geographically very close to
Muslim peoples, would obtain information on Islam directly through the
Muslim peoples, especially after the conquest of Kazan and Astrakhan.
However, the information was not coming from the East but through
translations from the West, and that information was anything but a critical
analysis of Islam.
70
More than that, they held descriptive information on
Islam. Nonetheless, they were not just describing Islam as a religion, but
they were reflecting the interest of the church and criticizing Islam as a
“pseudo-religion” “confronting the truth, the Christianity”. Therefore, they
were not explaining Islam but seeking to expose the “true face” of Islam.
Accordingly, in 1611, the anti-Islamic polemics of Abu Kurra, called Fyodor
Abukara in Russian, was translated.
71
The annexation of the new territories and the new peoples to Russian
state and Russia’s attempt at the Christianization of non-Christian peoples
necessitated definitely employing people educated in this field and skilled in
local languages. With the help of Tatars under their service, the Russian
government had the necessary cadres of translators to sustain the
relationship with Muslim states. All translations from Eastern languages or
from Russian to Eastern languages were made by Tatars through Tatar
language. In the 17
th
century, when Russian needed translators in their
70
Smirnov, op. cit., in note 28, pp. 21-25.
71
Ibid., pp. 21-25.
33
relationship with the Kalmuks, who had terminated the Nogais, the
translation was processed in two levels. First, the documents were
translated to Tatar and then to Kalmuk or Russian. In the example of the
Kalmuks, the translators were the baptized Tatar or Cossacks, who had
learned the Kalmuk language, while they were prisoners of the Kalmuks,
and they had absolutely no education in translation. Their knowledge of
language was limited to daily or vernacular language and their knowledge on
the people was superficial.
72
The Russian bureaucracy was differentiating the
staff translators (perovidchiki) and interpreters (tolmachi). The Perovidchikis
were less skilled in languages and they were used in translating oral
messages or speeches.
73
This position of the Tatars and the Tatar language within the Eastern
peoples explains why in the 18
th
century in Russia oriental languages were
taught more widely. Tatar language was for some time the language of
diplomacy between Iran and Russia. The documents written in Persian were
translated by the Tatars and they were shaped like Russian official
documents. Additionally, in the 1640s, there were Russian translators as
well. In a document from 1644, a priest is mentioned: “Poluekt Zverev of
Novgorod, who teaches Tatar, Arabic and Persian in Astrakhan”.
74
In 1679
72
Michael Khodarkovsky. Where Two Worlds Met: The Russian State and the
Kalmyk Nomads, 1600 – 1771. Cornell University Press, Ithaca and London. 1992,
pp. 63-64.
73
Ibid., pp. 63-64
74
Bartold, op. cit., in note 4, p. 374.
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