History of the Christian Church, Volume II: Ante-Nicene Christianity. A. D. 100-325

Peter certainly was), but upon the bishop of Rome; (4) that Peter was not only at Rome (which is

very probable after 63, though not as certain as Paul’s presence and martyrdom in Rome), but acted

there as bishop till his martyrdom, and appointed a successor (of which there is not the slightest

historical evidence); and (5) that the bishops of Rome, as successors of Peter, have always enjoyed

and exercised an universal jurisdiction over the Christian church (which is not the case as a matter

of fact, and still less as a matter of conceded right).

Leaving a full discussion of most of these points to polemical theology, we are here

concerned with the papacy as a growth of history, and have to examine the causes which have

gradually raised it to its towering eminence among the governing institutions of the world.

The historical influences which favored the ascendency of the Roman see were:

(1) The high antiquity of the Roman church, which had been honored even by Paul with

the most important doctrinal epistle of the New Testament. It was properly the only apostolic

mother-church in the West, and was thus looked upon from the first by the churches of Italy, Gaul,

and Spain, with peculiar reverence.

(2) The labors, martyrdom, and burial at Rome of Peter and Paul, the two leading apostles.

The whole Roman congregation passed through the fearful ordeal of martyrdom during the Neronian

persecution, but must soon afterwards have been reorganized, with a halo of glory arising from the

graves of the victims.

(3) The political pre-eminence of that metropolis of the world, which was destined to rule

the European races with the sceptre of the cross, as she had formerly ruled them with the sword.

(4) The executive wisdom and the catholic orthodox instinct of the Roman church, which

made themselves felt in this period in the three controversies on the time of Easter, the penitential

discipline, and the validity of heretical baptism.

To these may be added, as secondary causes, her firmness under persecutions, and her

benevolent care for suffering brethren even in distant places, as celebrated by Dionysius of Corinth

(180), and by Eusebius.

From the time of St. Paul’s Epistle (58), when he bestowed high praise on the earlier Roman

converts, to the episcopate of Victor at the close of the second century, and the unfavorable account

by Hippolytus of Pope Zephyrinus and Pope Callistus, we have no express and direct information

about the internal state of the Roman church. But incidentally it is more frequently mentioned than

any other. Owing to its metropolitan position, it naturally grew in importance and influence with

the spread of the Christian religion in the empire. Rome was the battle-field of orthodoxy and

heresy, and a resort of all sects and parties. It attracted from every direction what was true and false

in philosophy and religion. Ignatius rejoiced in the prospect of suffering for Christ in the centre of

the world; Polycarp repaired hither to settle with Anicetus the paschal controversy; Justin Martyr

presented there his defense of Christianity to the emperors, and laid down for it his life; Irenaeus,

Tertullian, and Cyprian conceded to that church a position of singular pre-eminence. Rome was

equally sought as a commanding position by heretics and theosophic jugglers, as Simon Magus,

Valentine, Marcion, Cerdo, and a host of others. No wonder, then, that the bishops of Rome at an

early date were looked upon as metropolitan pastors, and spoke and acted accordingly with an air

of authority which reached far beyond their immediate diocese.

Clement of Rome.

The first example of the exercise of a sort of papal authority is found towards the close of

the first century in the letter of the Roman bishop Clement (d. 102) to the bereaved and distracted

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Christianity. A.D. 100-325.

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church of Corinth. This epistle, full of beautiful exhortations to harmony, love, and humility, was

sent, as the very address shows,

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17 not in the bishop’s own name, which is not mentioned at all,

but in that of the Roman congregation, which speaks always in the first person plural. It was a

service of love, proffered by one church to another in time of need. Similar letters of instruction,

warning and comfort were written to other congregations by Ignatius, Polycarp, Dionysius of

Corinth, Irenaeus. Nevertheless it can hardly be denied that the document reveals the sense of a

certain superiority over all ordinary congregations. The Roman church here, without being asked

(as far as appears), gives advice, with superior administrative wisdom, to an important church in

the East, dispatches messengers to her, and exhorts her to order and unity in a tone of calm dignity

and authority, as the organ of God and the Holy Spirit.

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18

 This is all the more surprising if St.

John, as is probable, was then still living in Ephesus, which was nearer to Corinth than Rome. The

hierarchical spirit arose from the domineering spirit of the Roman church, rather than the Roman

bishop or the presbyters who were simply the organs of the people.

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19

 But a century later the

bishop of Rome was substituted for the church of Rome, when Victor in his own name

excommunicated the churches of Asia Minor for a trifling difference of ritual. From this hierarchical

assumption there was only one step towards the papal absolutism of a Leo and Hildebrand, and

this found its ultimate doctrinal climax in the Vatican dogma of papal infallibility.

Ignatius.

Ignatius, in his Epistle to the Romans (even in the Syriac recension), applies to that

congregation a number of high-sounding titles, and describes her as "presiding in the place of the

region of the Romans," and as "taking the lead in charity."

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20

 This is meant as a commendation

of her practical benevolence for which she was famous. Dionysius of Corinth in his letter to Soter

of Rome testifies to it as saying: "This practice has prevailed with you from the very beginning, to

do good to all the brethren in every way, and to send contributions to many churches in every

city."

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21

 The Roman church was no doubt more wealthy than any other, and the liberal use of her

means must have greatly increased her influence. Beyond this, Ignatius cannot be quoted as a

witness for papal claims. He says not a word of the primacy, nor does he even mention Clement

or any other bishop of Rome. The church alone is addressed throughout. He still had a lively sense

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Ἡ ἐκκλησία τοῦ θεοῦ, ἡ παροικοῦσα Ῥώμην τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ τοῦ θεοῦ, τῇ παροικούσῃ Κόρινθον. "The church of God which

sojourns at Rome to the church of God which mourns at Corinth!"

Πάροικος is a temporary, κάτοικος a permanent, resident. The

Christians appear here as strangers and pilgrims in this world, who have their home in heaven; comp. 1 Pet. 1:17; 2:11; Heb.

11:13

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This is very evident towards the close from the newly discovered portions, chs. 59, 62 and 63 edition of Bryennios, Const.

1875). The chapters should new light on the origin of the papal domination. Comp. the judicious remarks of Lightfoot in his

Appendix to S. Clement of Rome (Lond. 1877), p. 252 sqq.

220

It is quite evident from the Epistle itself that at that time the Roman congregation was still governed by a college of presbyters

(collegialisch, nicht monarchisch, as Langen, l.c. p. 81, expresses it).

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Προκαθημένη τῆς ἀγάπης , praesidens in caritate. Inscription. Zahn in his ed., p. 75, says: "In caritatis operibus semper

primum locum sibi vindicavit ecclesia Romana." Some Roman Catholic writers (as Möhler, Patrol. I. 144) explain the phrase

very artificially and hierarchically: "head of the love-union of Christendom (Vorsteherin des Liebesbundes)."Agape never means

church, but either love, or love-feast. See Langen, l.c. p. 94.

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Euseb., Hist. Eccl. IV. 23, 10: 

ἐξ ἀρχῆς ὑμῖν ἔθος ἐστὶ τοῦτο, πάντας μὲν ἀδελφοὺς ποικίλως εὐεργετεῖν, ἐκκλησίαις τε

πολλαῖς ταῖς ματὰ πᾶσαν πόλιν ἐφόδια πέμπειν

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History of the Christian Church, Volume II: Ante-Nicene

Christianity. A.D. 100-325.

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