Karl marx and frederick engels an Introduction to Their Lives and Work

 
 
71        
French bourgeoisie of 1789, the Prussian bourgeoisie was not 
the class that would defend the whole of contemporary society 
against the representatives of the old order, the monarchy, the 
nobility. It had declined to the level of an estate which was in 
opposition to the crown as well as to the people, and was 
irresolute in its relations to either of its enemies because it was 
always beholding both of them either before it or behind its 
back; it was inclined from the very start to betray the people and 
to make compromises with the crowned representative of the old 
society, for the German bourgeoisie itself belonged to the old 
society it represented the interests not of a new order against the 
old, but interests within the old order, which have taken on a 
new lease of life; it stood at the helm of the revolution not 
because it was backed by the people, but because the people had 
shoved it to the front; it found itself at the head not because it 
took the initiative in favour of the new social epoch, but merely 
because it represented the discontent of the obsolete social 
epoch; it was a stratum of the old State which had not yet 
effected its emergence, but which was now flung to the surface 
of the new State by an upheaval; without faith in itself, without 
faith in the people, grumbling against the upper class, trembling 
before the lower classes, selfish in its attitude toward both, and 
aware of its selfishness, revolutionary with respect to the 
conservatives, and conservative with respect to the 
revolutionists, distrustful of its own slogans, which were phrases 
instead of ideas, intimidated by the world storm, yet exploiting 
that very storm, devoid of energy in any direction, yet resorting 
to plagiarism in all directions, banal through lack of originality, 
but original in its sheer banality, entering into compromises with 
its own desires, without initiative, without faith in itself, without 
faith in the people, without a universal historical calling, a 
doomed senile creature, devoted to the impossible task of 
leading and manipulating the robust youthful aspirations of a 
new people in his own senile interests -- sans eyes, sans ears, 
sans teeth, sans everything -- such was the position of the 
Prussian bourgeoisie that had been guiding the destinies of the 
Prussian State since the March Revolution."  

---

 
 
72        
 The hope which Marx had placed in the progressive bourgeoisie, in the 
Manifesto, although even there he enumerated a series of conditions precedent to 
real co-operation with it, was not justified. Towards the Fall of 1848, Marx and 
Engels changed their tactics. Not rejecting the support of the bourgeois democrats, 
nor severing his relations with the democratic organisation, Marx, nevertheless, 
shifted the centre of his activity into the proletarian midst. Together with Moll and 
Schapper, he concentrated his work in the Workingmen's Union of Cologne which, 
too, had its representative in the District Committee of Democratic Societies.  
 The fact that upon Gotschalk's arrest, Moll was elected chairman of the 
Workingmen's Union indicates the increased strength of the communists. The 
federalist trend which was headed by Gotschalk gradually faded into a minority. 
When Moll was forced for a time to flee Cologne, Marx, despite the fact that he had 
repeatedly declined the honour, was elected chairman in his stead. In February, 
during the elections for the new parliament, disagreements arose. Marx and his 
followers insisted that the workers, where there was no chance of electing their own 
representatives, should vote for democrats. The minority protested against this.  
 In March and April, friction between the workers and the democrats who 
were united in the District Committee of the Democratic Societies reached a stage 
where a schism was unavoidable. Marx and his supporters resigned from the 
Committee. The Workingmen's Union recalled its representative and proceeded to 
ally itself with the workingmen's societies which had been organised by Stefan Born 
in eastern Germany. The Workingmen's Union itself was reorganised into the Central 
Club with nine regional branches, workingmen's clubs. Towards the end of April, 
Marx and Schapper issued a proclamation which invited all the workingmen's 
societies throughout the Rhine province and Westphalia to a regional congress for 
the purpose of organisation and for the election of deputies to the General 
Workingmen's Congress which was to take place in June at Leipzig.  
 But just as Marx and his followers were setting out upon the organisation of a 
labour party, a new blow was struck at the Revolution. Having put an end to the 
Prussian National Assembly, the government decided also to put an end to the 
German National Assembly. It was in southern Germany that the fight for the so-
called Imperial Constitution began.  
 We must point out one more detail which is generally overlooked by Marx's 
biographers. Marx's position in Cologne was precarious; his behaviour had to be 

---

 
 
73        
exceedingly circumspect. Though he did not have to live underground, he was, 
nevertheless, subject to expulsion from Cologne by a mere government order. Here is 
how it came about that Marx found himself in this unique predicament.  
 Having been exposed to the incessant persecutions of the Prussian 
Government, having been expelled from Paris on the insistence of the same 
government, and having feared deportation from Belgium, Marx finally resolved to 
renounce his allegiance to Prussia. He did not declare his allegiance to any other 
country, but definitely renounced his Prussian one. The Prussian government seized 
upon it. When Marx returned to Cologne, the local authorities recogrused him as a 
citizen of the Rhine province, but they demanded that the Prussian authorities in 
Berlin confirm it. The latter decided that Marx had lost his rights of citizenship. That 
is why Marx, who was trying very hard for a reinstatement into the rights of Prussian 
citizenship, was compelled in the second half of 1848 to desist from making public 
appearances. When the revolutionary wave would rise and conditions would 
improve, Marx appeared openly before the public; as soon as the wave of reaction 
would rise and repressions in Cologne would become more furious, Marx vanished 
and confined himself only to literary work, that is, to the directing of the Neue 
Rheinische Zeitung. This is why Marx was so reluctant to become chairman of the 
Workingmen's Union of Cologne.  
 In accord with the change in tactics, there was a turn in the policy of the Neue 
Rheinische Zeitung. The first articles on Wage Labour and Capital appeared only 
after the change. These were prefaced by a long statement in which Marx explained 
why the paper had never before touched upon the antagonism between capital and 
labour. The change, however, was made too late. It took place in February, while in 
May the German revolution was already completely crushed.  
 The ferocity of the Prussian government swept like a storm across the 
country. Its armies swooped down upon the southwest. The Neue Rheinische Zeitung 
was among the first casualties. It was discontinued on May 19, when the famous red 
number was published. (Besides a beautiful poem by Ferdinand Freiligrath [1810-
1876], that issue contained Marx's address to the working class warning them against 
provocations by the government.) After this, Marx left the Rhine province, and as a 
foreigner, had to abandon Germany. The rest of the staff left for various places. 
Engels, Moll, and Willich went to join the south German rebels.  

---