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Chapter 2 - Theoretical framework and hypotheses 
45 
students that intentions contribute to explaining why many entrepreneurs decide 
to start a business long before they learn about the opportunities. Not all studies 
have emphasised the effect of intentions on behaviours; rather, some studies have 
empirically demonstrated the effect of past behaviour on intentions (Plotnikoff, 
Lubans, Trinh and Craig, 2012). However, according to Ajzen and Fishbein, past 
behaviour, which can indeed be a good predictor of later action, cannot alone be 
used to explain performance of later action (Ajzen and Fishbein, 2005, p.201). To 
argue that we behave the way we do now because we performed the behaviour in 
the past, begs the question as to why we previously behaved that way (Ajzen and 
Fishbein, 2005, p.201-202). 
Returning to the main subject of this study, previous research has shown that 
most women living in Western societies prefer to work in between 20-34 hours 
per week, and approximately one third of women (and also men) actually work 
their preferred number of hours (Jacob, 2008; Fagan, 2001; McDonald et al., 
2006; Portegijs and Keuzenkamp, 2008a, p.56; Reynolds, 2003). It can also be 
seen that Dutch mothers are better able to work their preferred number of hours 
than those in other Western societies. Explanations for this can be found in, as 
already described, Dutch prosperity and specific social institutions and laws 
which are favourable for mothers who desire part-time work (Plantenga, 2002; 
Portegijs and Keuzenkamp, 2008a, p.57). Van Wel and Knijn (2006) 
demonstrated that most Dutch women (60 per cent) do not want to work a 
different number of hours per week than what they actually do: one in five would 
like to work fewer hours per week, while one in five would prefer to work more. 
In particular, women with less education tend to want to work more (p.646). 
However, another Dutch study (Keuzenkamp et al., 2008), showed that among 
women, 38 per cent work the exact number of hours they want to work, while 41 
per cent want to work more (including 72 per cent of women without jobs) and 20 
per cent would like to work less (including 56  per cent of women with full-time 
jobs) (p.74). In summary, there appears a significant correlation between the 
preferred number of work hours per week (intention) and the actual number of 
weekly hours worked (action). Nonetheless, there is certainly not a complete 
overlap, revealing a relevant distinction between the two concepts. Work 
preferences are clearly not the same as labour market behaviour, nor are they 
fully determined by behaviour.  
Previous
 
sociological studies that include people’s preferred number of work 
hours have mostly focussed on external (structural) causes or the personal and 
societal consequences of the mismatch between preferred and actual work hours 
(Holmes, Jacob-Erickson and Hill, 2012; Reynolds 2003). It is important to 
explore this potential discrepancy, since evidence shows that differences between 
preferred and actual number of hours worked can have serious harmful effects on 
people’s lives. This can be seen both among both the employed and unemployed, 
and can furthermore drive adverse effects on the labour supply, with unintended 
consequences on the labour market in terms of an under-utilised or over-
employed labour force (Constant and Otterbach, 2011, p.1; Holmes et al., 2012; 


Socialized Choices - Labour Market Behaviour of Dutch Mothers 
46 
Reynolds 2003). In line with macro-sociological perspectives, people’s preferred 
number of work hours are often not met, with causes cited including the 
availability or costs of appropriate childcare and parental leave schemes, as well 
as standardised work weeks or insufficient supply of suitable jobs (Drago, 
Wooden and Black, 2009; Jacob, 2008; McDonald et al., 2006; Reynolds, 2003; 
Stone, 2007).  
In addition, job characteristics themselves, such as a flexible work hours, 
working conditions, wages, support from supervisors and the job content itself, 
can also contribute towards discontent, or as positive stimuli towards more or 
fewer hours in paid employment (e.g. Brooks et al., 2002; Echtelt, Glebbeek and 
Linderberg, 2006). Brewer et al. (2009) however, showed that job circumstances 
affect people’s satisfaction with their jobs, while people’s intentions and 
behaviour less so (Brewer, Kovner, Green, and Cheng, 2009, p.941). Moreover, 
meta-analysis by Irvine and Evans (1995) showed a significant positive 
relationship between behavioural intentions and labour market activity, but only a 
small negative relationship between job satisfaction and action, implying the 
mediating role of intention. From this perspective, intention, which in this study 
is understood as a person’s preferred number of work hours, provides evaluative 
measurement on a mother’s current lifestyle. The discontent of stay-at-home 
mothers with their situation can lead them to develop a preference to be active 
(again) in the labour market; conversely, mothers who work full-time but who 
poorly evaluate their jobs can develop preferences for different jobs, or to work 
fewer hours in their current positions.   
Sociological studies broadly express work preferences from the perspective of 
current needs, seen within a perceived band of possible alternatives which are 
presumably capable of changing in different situations (Drago et al., 2009; Fagan, 
2001, p.244). Within this present study, and in line with the theory of planned 
behaviour of Ajzen and Fishbein (1973, 1991, 2005), I argue that the preferred 
number of work hours, besides being a result of current job characteristics, 
circumcised possibilities or economic rationalities, is also an outcome of personal 
dispositions that existed a priori of people’s experience in the labour market.  
In this light, the variable number of preferred work hours reflects internally 
driven preferences and appraisals of their current work lifestyle. Following this 
line, I presume that individuals’ perceptions (appreciative and evaluative) are in 
turn based upon their own values and attitudes, formed and sustained in relation 
to one’s (parental) social relational backgrounds. This is an assumption which I 
will draw upon in the following sections. 
In brief, this study understands the preferred number of work hours as a 
reflection of personal values, attitudes and the perceived possibilities within their 
individual circumstances and local structural settings, and that these factors will 
subsequently affect mothers’ labour market behaviour. The first hypothesis is 
thus that work preferences affect labour market behaviour. This is due to the fact 
that the preferred number of work hours reflects the relationship between what 


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