History in the Gear of Social Change [ 247 ]
which room would have to be made for figures as diverse as the Catho-
lic freelance demagogue in industrial Detroit, the "Kingfish" in back-
ward Louisiana, Japanese Army conspirators, and Ukrainian anti-
Soviet saboteurs. Fascism was an ever-given political possibility, an
almost instantaneous emotional reaction in every industrial commu-
nity since the 1930s. One may call it a "move" in preference to a "move-
ment," to indicate the impersonal nature of the crisis the symptoms of
which were frequently vague and ambiguous. People often did not feel
sure whether a political speech or a play, a sermon or a public parade,
a metaphysics or an artistic fashion, a poem or a party program was
fascist or not. There were no accepted criteria of fascism, nor did it
possess conventional tenets. Yet one significant feature of all its orga-
nized forms was the abruptness with which they appeared and faded
out again, only to burst forth with violence after an indefinite period
of latency. All this fits into the picture of a social force that waxed and
waned according to the objective situation.
What we termed, for short, "fascist situation" was no other than
the typical occasion of easy and complete fascist victories. All at once,
the tremendous industrial and political organizations of labor and of
other devoted upholders of constitutional freedom would melt away,
and minute fascist forces would brush aside what seemed until then
the overwhelming strength of democratic governments, parties, trade
unions. If a "revolutionary situation" is characterized by the psycho-
logical and moral disintegration of all forces of resistance to the point
where a handful of scantily armed rebels were enabled to storm the
supposedly impregnable strongholds of
reaction, then the "fascist sit-
uation" was its complete parallel except for the fact that here the bul-
warks of
democracy and constitutional libertieswere stormed and their
defenses found wanting in the same spectacular fashion. In Prussia, in
July 1932, the legal government of the Social Democrats, entrenched in
the seat of legitimate power, capitulated to the mere threat of uncon-
stitutional violence on the part of Herr von Papen. Some six months
later Hitler possessed himself peacefully of the highest positions of
power, whence he at once launched a revolutionary attack of wholesale
destruction against the institutions of the Weimar Republic and the
constitutional parties. To imagine that it was the strength of the move-
ment which created situations such as these, and not to see that it was
the situation that gave birth in this case to the movement, is to miss the
outstanding lesson of the past decades.