CHApTer 6
The Need to Justify Our Actions
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person were to look in the mirror and say, “Boy, I sure am terrific,” it is unlikely to help
much; the person has to focus on his or her actual strengths, positive values, and good
qualities and then strive to make them consonant with his or her actions.
rational Behavior versus rationalizing Behavior
Most people think of themselves as rational beings, and generally they are right: We
are certainly capable of rational thought. But as we’ve seen, the need to maintain
our self-esteem leads to thinking that is not always rational; rather, it is rationalizing.
People who are in the midst of reducing dissonance are so involved with convincing
themselves that they are right that they frequently end up behaving irrationally and
maladaptively.
During the late 1950s, when segregation was still widespread, two social psycholo-
gists did a simple experiment in a southern town ( Jones & Kohler, 1959). They selected
people who were deeply committed to a position on the issue of racial segregation:
some strongly supported segregation; others opposed it just as strongly. Next, the re-
searchers presented these individuals with a series of arguments on both sides of the
issue. Some of the arguments were plausible, and others were rather silly. The question
was: Which of the arguments would people remember best?
If the participants were behaving in a purely rational way, we would expect them to
remember the plausible arguments best and the implausible arguments least, regardless
of how they felt about segregation. But what does dissonance theory predict? A silly
argument that supports your own position arouses some dissonance because it raises
doubts about the wisdom of that position or the intelligence of people who agree with
it. Likewise, a sensible argument on the other side of the issue also arouses some dis-
sonance because it raises the possibility that the other side might be smarter or more
accurate than you had thought. Because these arguments arouse dissonance, we try not
to think about them.
This is exactly what the researchers found. The participants remembered the plau-
sible arguments agreeing with their own position and the implausible arguments agree-
ing with the opposing position. Subsequent research has yielded similar results on many
issues, from whether or not the death penalty deters people from committing murder
to the risks of contracting HIV through heterosexual contact (e.g., Biek, Wood, &
Chaiken, 1996; Edwards & Smith, 1996; Hart et al., 2009).
In sum, we humans do not always process information
in an unbiased way. Sometimes, of course, we pursue new
information because we want to be accurate in our views or
make the wisest decisions. But once we are committed to
our views and beliefs, most of us distort new information
in a way that confirms them (Hart et al., 2009; Ross, 2010).
Decisions, Decisions, Decisions
Every time we make a decision, we experience dissonance.
How come? Suppose you are about to buy a car, but you are
torn between a van and a subcompact. You know that each
has advantages and disadvantages: The van would be more
convenient. You can sleep in it during long trips, and it has
plenty of power, but it gets poor mileage and it’s hard to
park. The subcompact is a lot less roomy, and you wonder
about its safety: but it is less expensive to buy, it’s a lot zip-
pier to drive, and it has a pretty good repair record. Before
you decide, you will probably get as much information as you can. You go online and
read what the experts say about each model’s safety, gas consumption, and reliability.
You’ll talk with friends who own a van or a subcompact. You’ll probably visit automo-
bile dealers to test-drive the vehicles to see how each one feels. All this predecision
behavior is perfectly rational.
Once he is hooked on getting a
truck, this young man will reason
that “it certainly would be safer
than a small car, and besides, the
price of gasoline is bound to drop
by the time I’m 40.”
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8
CHApTer 6
The Need to Justify Our Actions
Let’s assume you decide to buy the subcompact. We predict that your behavior will
change in a specific way: You will begin to think more and more about the number
of miles to the gallon as though it were the most important thing in the world. Si-
multaneously, you will almost certainly downplay the fact that you can’t sleep in your
subcompact. Who wants to sleep in their car on a long trip anyway? Similarly, you will
barely remember that your new small car can put you at considerable risk of harm in a
collision. How does this shift in thinking happen?
Distorting Our Likes and Dislikes
In any decision, whether it is between two
cars, two colleges, or two potential lovers, the chosen alternative is seldom entirely
positive and the rejected alternative is seldom entirely negative. After the decision,
your cognition that you are a smart person is dissonant with all the negative things
about the car, college, or lover you chose; that cognition is also dissonant with all
the positive aspects of the car, college, or lover you rejected. We call this postdecision
dissonance. Cognitive dissonance theory predicts that to help yourself feel better
about the decision, you will do some unconscious mental work to try to reduce the
dissonance.
What kind of work? In a classic experiment, Jack Brehm (1956) posed as a represen-
tative of a consumer testing service and asked women to rate the attractiveness and de-
sirability of several kinds of small appliances. Each woman was told that as a reward for
having participated in the survey, she could have one of the appliances as a gift. She was
given a choice between two of the products she had rated as being equally attractive.
After she made her decision, each woman was asked to rerate all the products. After
receiving the appliance of their choice, the women rated its attractiveness somewhat
higher than they had the first time. Not only that, but they drastically lowered their
rating of the appliance they might have chosen but decided to reject.
In other words, following a decision, to reduce dissonance we change the way we
feel about the chosen and unchosen alternatives, cognitively spreading them apart in
our own minds in order to make ourselves feel better about the choice we made.
The permanence of the Decision
The more important the decision, the greater the
dissonance. Deciding which car to buy is clearly more important than deciding between
a toaster and a coffeemaker; deciding which person to marry is clearly more important
than deciding which car to buy. Decisions also vary in terms of how permanent they
are—that is, how difficult they are to revoke. It is a lot easier to trade in your new car
for another one than it is to get out of an unhappy marriage.
The more permanent and less revocable the decision, the
stronger is the need to reduce dissonance.
In a simple but clever experiment, social psychologists
intercepted people at a racetrack who were on their way to
place $2 bets and asked them how certain they were that
their horses would win (Knox & Inkster, 1968). The in-
vestigators also approached other bettors just as they were
leaving the $2 window, after having placed their bets, and
asked them the same question. Almost invariably, people
who had already placed their bets gave their horses a much
better chance of winning than did those who had not yet
placed their bets. Because only a few minutes separated
one group from another, nothing real had occurred to in-
crease the probability of winning; the only thing that had
changed was the finality of the decision—and hence the
dissonance it produced.
Moving from the racetrack to the Harvard campus,
other investigators tested the irrevocability hypothesis in a
photography class (Gilbert & Ebert, 2002). In their study, participants were recruited
through an advertisement for students interested in learning photography while tak-
ing part in a psychology experiment. Students were informed that they would shoot
some photographs and print two of them. They would rate the two photographs
Postdecision Dissonance
Dissonance aroused after making
a decision, typically reduced by
enhancing the attractiveness of the
chosen alternative and devaluating
the rejected alternatives.
All sales are final. When will this
customer be happier with her new
flatscreen TV: ten minutes before
the purchase? Ten minutes after
the purchase?
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