CHApTer 6
The Need to Justify Our Actions
19
describing the dangers of AIDS and advocating the use of condoms every time a person
has sex. In one group, the students merely composed the arguments. In the second
group, after composing their arguments, they were to recite them in front of a video
camera and were told that an audience of high school students would watch the result-
ing tape. In addition, half of the students in each group were made mindful of their own
failure to use condoms by making a list of the circumstances in which they had found it
particularly difficult, awkward, or impossible to use them.
The participants in one group experienced the highest dissonance: those who
made a video for high school students after the experimenter got them to think about
their own failure to use condoms. Why? They were made aware of their own hypoc-
risy; they had to deal with the fact that they were preaching behavior that they them-
selves were not practicing. To remove the hypocrisy and maintain their self-esteem,
they would need to start practicing what they were preaching. And that is exactly
what the researchers found. When they gave each student the chance to buy condoms
cheaply, the students in the hypocrisy condition were far more likely to buy condoms
than students in any of the other conditions (see Figure 6.6). Moreover, when the
researchers phoned the students several months after the experiment, they found that
the effects held. People in the hypocrisy condition—the students who would have felt
the most cognitive dissonance— reported far higher use of condoms than did those in
the control conditions.
Using a similar research design of hypocrisy induction, researchers instructed
undergraduate smokers to create an antismoking video that allegedly would be used
to encourage high school students to quit smoking (Peterson, Haynes, & Olson,
2008). Again, the actors felt dissonance because their own behavior (smoking) con-
tradicted the antismoking position they advocated on the video. This method of
causing them to face their hypocrisy increased the participants’ stated intention to
quit smoking.
Figure 6.6
The Hypocrisy paradigm
People who are made mindful of their hypocrisy (blue bars)—in this study, being made aware
of the discrepancy between knowing that condoms prevent AIDS and other STDs but not using
condoms themselves—begin to practice what they preach. Here, more of them bought con-
doms, buying more condoms than did students in other conditions—those who were simply
given information about the dangers of AIDS, or who promised to buy them, or who were made
aware that they weren’t using them.
(Adapted from Stone et al., 1994.)
100
90
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
Percentage of subjects
who bought condoms
5.0
4.5
4.0
3.5
3.0
2.5
2.0
1.5
1.0
0.5
0
Average number of
condoms purchased
Hypocrisy
Commitment-only
Mindful-only
Information-only
Hypocrisy induction
The arousal of dissonance by hav-
ing individuals make statements
that run counter to their behaviors
and then reminding them of the
inconsistency between what they
advocated and their behavior. The
purpose is to lead individuals to
more responsible behavior.
M06_ARON6625_08_SE_C06.indd 19
07/03/12 3:31 AM
20
CHApTer 6
The Need to Justify Our Actions
C o n n e C t i o n S
How Inducing Hypocrisy Can reduce road rage
Road rage—drivers acting out their anger at other drivers who dare to get in their way,
cut them off, tailgate, or pass them on the right side—is responsible for thousands of
traffic accidents and fatalities. Seiji Takaku (2006) decided to apply the hypocrisy-induc-
tion paradigm to this problem. An angry driver is thinking: “Look at that SOB who just
cut me off! Selfish, rotten bastard! I’ll show him!” Takaku wondered whether making that
driver aware that he too can be a “selfish, rotten bastard” who does exactly the same
thing—making the driver aware of his hypocrisy in condemning another driver’s actions
but not his own identical behavior—would reduce the temptation to fly off the handle. In
one experiment, he used video to simulate a highway situation in which a driver is cut off
by another driver, a common incident that frequently leads to anger. In the experimental
condition, the participants themselves first accidentally cut off another driver, thus being
reminded of the fact that cutting people off is not an indication of a flawed personal-
ity, but rather the type of mistake that we are all capable of making. Takaku found that
when people are reminded of their own fallibility, they are quicker to go from anger to
forgiveness than if this reminder is not induced. The reminder reduces their perceived
need to retaliate.
You might keep Takaku’s method in mind the next time you find yourself fuming in
traffic. And, by the way, that anger you feel at other cell phone users who drive while
talking . . .?
Justifying Good Deeds and Harmful Acts
When we like people, we show it by treating them well. When we dislike people, we
also often show it, perhaps by going out of our way to snub them. But it can also work
the other way around: our own behavior toward a person affects whether we like or dis-
like that individual. Whenever we act either kindly or cruelly toward another person,
self-justification sees to it that we never quite feel the same way about that person again.
(See Try It!)
The Ben Franklin effect: Justifying Acts of Kindness
What happens when you do
a favor for someone? In particular, what happens when you are subtly induced to do a
favor for a person you don’t much like; will you like the person more—or less? Disso-
nance theory predicts that you will like the person more after doing
the favor. Can you say why?
This phenomenon has been a part of folk wisdom for a long
time. Benjamin Franklin confessed to having used it as a political
TrY IT!
The Internal Consequences of Doing Good
When you walk down a city street and view people sitting
on the sidewalk, panhandling, or pushing their possessions
around in a shopping cart, how do you feel about them?
Think about it for a few moments, and write down a list of
your feelings. If you are like most college students, your
list will reflect some mixed feelings. That is, you probably
feel some compassion but also think these people are a
nuisance, that if they tried harder, they could get their lives
together. The next time you see a person panhandling or
digging through the trash looking for food, take the initia-
tive and give him or her a dollar. Say something friendly;
wish them well. Note your feelings. Is there a change in how
you perceive the person? Analyze any changes you notice in
terms of cognitive dissonance theory.
We do not love people so much for the good they have
done us as for the good we have done them.
—L
eo
T
oLsToy
, 1869
M06_ARON6625_08_SE_C06.indd 20
07/03/12 3:31 AM