197
not mentioned. Mişu expressed his satisfaction
with the British position, since
Britain was not attempting to modify the Treaty of Bucharest.
62
As a result of the Balkan Wars, Romania became practically independent
of the alliances. While Romania did not break its alliance with Austria, relations
between the two countries worsened. The situation on the eve of the First
World War was such that both alliances courted Romania.
63
The British
Minister in Bucharest, George Barclay, believed that in the event of war
Romania was unlikely to carry out any arrangement with Austria — and this
was exactly what happened when the First World War broke out.
Romania was
strong after the Balkan Wars: it had acquired the territory it wanted with very
little cost.
64
Russia and France tried to exploit the change in Romania’s position,
while Britain did not really want to get involved in the matter. Consequently,
Russia accused the British Foreign Office and the British minister in Bucharest
of being too inactive.
65
Britain did not want to meddle in purely Balkan
problems — those problems that did not touch the Straits, Asiatic Turkey, and
the Mediterranean. If Britain had to become involved in Balkan questions, it
wished to preserve the present alignment of power and tried to limit the scale
of the conflict.
66
A worry that Russians had was the fear that Britain was willing to push
for a new minority rights guarantee which
would irritate the Romanian
government.
67
As a reply to this accusation, Grey argued that British interests
embraced all minorities who were covered by the Berlin Treaty, not only those
residing in Romania. Presently, the main question was the situation of those
minorities that resided in the recently annexed territories.
68
Grey therefore
hinted at the fate of the Dobrudjan Jews, but did not particularly single them
out. He also appeared to imply that the Romanian Jewish question as a whole
was not to be forgotten.
The status of the
territory annexed by Romania, Southern Dobrudja, came
under scrutiny again in spring and early summer 1914, when the Romanian
government set up the administrative structure of the province. The British
minister in Bucharest, George Barclay, was not very well-informed as far as the
new legal arrangements in the region were concerned. In June 1914, Barclay
complained that he had not received a French-language copy of the Dobrudjan
administrative law. He had tried to read about the law in the newspapers but,
due to his limited knowledge of the Romanian language,
could not quite grasp
62
FO 371/2110/72/13558, Grey to G. Barclay, 23 March 1914.
63
Schroeder 1976, 3. The section of Schroeder’s paper discussing the British attitude
towards the Balkans and Romania is based on Arthur Nicolson’s correspondence in
the Foreign Office private papers (FO 800) series.
64
FO 371/2089/13944, G. Barclay to Grey, 11 March 1914, annual report of 1913.
65
FO 371/2089/23138, G. Barclay to Grey, 24 May 1914; FO 371/2089/23138. Grey to
G. Barclay, 2 June 1914.
66
Schroeder 1976, 15, 18-19.
67
FO 371/2089/23138, G. Barclay to Grey, 24 May 1914.
68
FO 371/2089/23138, Grey to G. Barclay, 2 June 1914.
198
the provisions of the law! However, he concluded that there ‘appeared to be’ no
discrimination against Jews.
69
Jews were not the only section of the Southern Dobrudjan population that
sought foreign support. Claud Russell, a clerk in the Foreign Office, remarked
after reading a complaint sent by representatives of the Bulgarian population:
‘I do not see what can be done for them and I am afraid they have nothing to look
forward to under the “rights of minorities” reaffirmation. H. M. Govt. cannot
intervene effectively on their behalf with a Govt. like that of Roumania.’
70
However, if George Barclay was not sure what the
legal position of Dobrudjan
residents was going to be, British Jews were not much more knowledgeable
about the matter either. The
Jewish Chronicle hinted on several occasions in late
1913 that the position of the Dobrudjan inhabitants — Jews and non-Jews alike
— would turn out to be ambiguous and that their status would be that of
second-class Romanian citizens.
71
This assessment had been repeated over and
over again since early 1913. However, the
Jewish Chronicle did not write
anything specific on the circumstances in Dobrudja nor did it base its views on
any facts. When the Dobrudjan administrative
law was finally adopted in
Romania, it escaped the notice of the
Jewish Chronicle altogether.
The Romanian law on the administration of the new territories was passed
in April 1914. Bulgarian citizens living in the Southern Dobrudjan district on the
date of the Bucharest Treaty of 11 August 1913 were to become Romanian
citizens. Thus, the Jewish inhabitants of Dobrudja were granted Romanian
citizenship — at least on paper. The Jews, as a group or a special category, were
not singled out in the law, even though some provisions were aimed at the
Moslem inhabitants.
72
Therefore, the worst scenario
for the Jewish community
— the discriminatory treatment of Dobrudjan Jews on the basis of their religion
— did not come to pass. There were, nevertheless, some serious shortcomings
in the new piece of legislation as to political rights and citizenship procedures.
These stipulations revealed that the fears expressed by, for example, the
Jewish
Chronicle had materialised to some extent; the inhabitants of Dobrudja did not
acquire political rights identical to those of their Romanian counterparts.
The Dobrudjans were not happy with the new administration, but their
complaints did not directly refer to the Jewish situation in the province.
Criticism centred on the fact that the Dobrudjans
were going to form a new
category of Romanian subjects without full rights. The authorities established
special commissions to deal with the citizenship process. The Dobrudjans did
69
FO 371/1917/25550, G. Barclay to Grey, 3 June 1914. This despatch can only be
found in the Bulgarian files, although it arrived from Bucharest. In general, British
representatives in Romania were able to obtain information more easily than George
Barclay was in this particular case. Problems like Barclay’s were therefore rare
occurrences.
70
FO 371/1917/32730,
minute by Russell, 21 July 1914.
71
JC, 12 Nov. 1913 and 28 Nov. 1913.
72
FO 371/2089/28020, G. Barclay to Grey, 13 June 1914, enclosure: copy of the
Administration Law, 31 March/13 April 1913.