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Güder, Mercan / The Main Parameters of the Turkish Foreig Policy and Middle East after 2000
2007, p. 35). According to this relatively new parameter in TFP, wherever there is a 
potentially problem area, Turkey should show its presence in the region without wait-
ing for the emergence of the problem and bring the parties together for negotiations 
as soon as possible. As seen, “proactive” policies differ from “active” policies, and 
according to Davutoğlu, the mind who has shaped the theoretical sub-structure of 
the new foreign policy; the shift to proactive policy is a historical and cultural neces-
sity for Turkey. However, it is also a condition brought about by a practical necessity. 
Davutoğlu expresses that, “If you are static when your conditions are dynamic, you 
can not adjust to the conditions. We need to develop a constantly active diplomacy. 
Even if nothing is happening, we must be moving in our place” (Zengin, 2010, p. 92). 
Desiring to be a regional and global power, Turkey has made its presence felt more 
with its new proactive foreign policy in neighboring regions, especially in the Middle 
East policies. The most important initiatives to be mentioned within the proactive 
diplomacy context are “rhythmic diplomacy”, and “mediation”. Turkish decision-
makers’ concerns over not being included in the regional and global power balance if 
Turkey does not get involved in regional and global happenings, underlie the initiative 
of proactive diplomacy. 
The concept of “zero problems with neighbors” is the best known and mentioned 
principle that directs TFP (Erhan, 2010, p. 16). In years prior to 2000, Turkey pursued 
a policy of maintaining a low level of relationships with its neighbors due to some 
political problems. In fact, two situations “Imia (Tr: Kardak) crisis” with Greece in 1995, 
and the “Öcalan crisis» with Syria in 1998 that almost forced Turkey to declare a war, 
provide us with clear information about the course of bilateral relations of Turkey in 
that period. The principle of «zero problems with neighbors» has been conceptualized 
by Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu, who also was the chief foreign policy advisor 
to Prime Minister Erdogan. The principle which has become one of the priorities of 
Turkish foreign policy aims to promote Turkey’s involvement in regional and global 
issues and increase its influence.  Problems with neighbors will surely consume a sig-
nificant portion of a country’s energy dealing with threats that may come from these 
bordering countries. Another point of discussion in this context is whether the princi-
ple of «zero problems with neighbors» is a reality or just idealism. Quite a number of 
researchers have questioned the applicability of this policy (Hale, 2010, p. 8).
The desire to be a central country in the basin of the Middle East is the fourth target 
principle of post 2000 Turkey. Turkey has occasionally been referred as a “model coun-
try” and “bridge country”, and lately, this discourse and role has begun to be replaced 
by “Turkey as a central country”. Along with JDP government’s multi-lateral and proac-
tive foreign policy, the dominant global perspective has shifted towards ‘Turkey as a 
key country in the region’, and JDP governments’ definition of the role of Turkey today 
as a “central country” also reinforces the current status (Aral, 2009, p. 154). However, 

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Human and Society
Turkey’s desire to have such a role is not always a reflection of the real situation. Being 
the most competitive country of the region, global powers support Turkey as a model 
for moderate Islam against radical Islamist Iran, however the influence of Shiite Iran’s 
in the region may sometimes cast a shadow over Turkey’s claims of being the central 
country. 
Another objective Turkey wants to fulfill in its foreign policy is the “soft power” prin-
ciple. The principles we have mentioned above are all prerequisites to become a soft 
power because achieving this principle takes a long-term effort. The concept of soft 
power could roughly be described as the art of getting the other party to do a desired 
action with their consent and free will contrary to brute force. Unlike many power-
ful countries, Turkey is in its infancy in this approach. Therefore, there is not enough 
data to assess the consistency and efficiency of Turkey’s first steps as a “soft power”. 
Moreover, unless the “soft power” factor is supported concurrently with Turkey’s eco-
nomic and military powers, the desire to attain the status of “central country” will be 
difficult (Grigoriadis, 2010, p. 5). Also according to Çandar (2010), Turkey can curb the 
Iranian influence in the region using its potential “soft power”.
Foreign policy understanding after the Cold War has been formed on a more interde-
pendent economy and the philosophy of solidarity, which has made foreign trade an 
important element of international relations. Economic structures and dependency 
ratios of the new world order vary, but almost all nations design their foreign policy 
according to economic expectations and concerns (Hale, 2003, p. 203; Özdal and oth-
ers, 2009, p. 10). With the presupposition of “Those who trade do not fight”, Turkey 
wishes to improve relations with its close neighbors through an economy-centered 
foreign policy, thus, targets an economically integrated region. 
“Security-liberty balance” is brought up in the agenda in Turkey as the last principle 
of foreign policy. The heated debate over security-liberty in world politics began fol-
lowing September 11, 2001, The World Trade Center twin towers attacks. Mainly, the 
security-liberty conflict does not have a vital position in TFP; however decision-makers 
in foreign policy have been keen and persistent in bringing the concept up among 
other foreign policy principles. Turkey has not faced a security - liberty dilemma as a 
foreign policy issue yet, which makes it difficult to detect the country’s stance in this 
controversy. 
So far we have discussed the most important Turkish foreign policy principles, but of 
course we can also express the presence of some other principles. To test the appli-
cability of these principles, due to the reasons mentioned in the introduction, the 
Middle East has been chosen for sampling. The next section will analyze the extent 
of the implementation of Turkey’s foreign policy principles, particularly in the Middle 
East.

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