Microsoft Word Socialized Choices 31-12 pod docx

Socialized Choices - Labour Market Behaviour of Dutch Mothers  
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form of gendered beliefs about ‘the proper thing to do’ – provides the context 
within which social actors make decisions about their lives” (p.279). Duncan 
(2005) referred to these limitations as “gendered moral rationalities” - cultural 
constructions of choices and constraints regarding motherhood and work.  This 
level of contextualisation bridges the gap between individual preferences and 
personal constraints and societies’ structural and cultural features. It examines 
how individual preferences or ‘free choices’ are both socially and culturally 
shaped, reproduced and constrained (Halrynjo and Lyng, 2009, p.323).  
Last but not least, studies have indicated that the relationship between 
attitudes and behaviour is rather reciprocal; life experiences (like children, 
spouses’ attitudes, education and work) change people’s outlooks (Cunningham 
et al., 2005; Jansen and Kalmijn, 2000; Kan, 2007; Moen et al., 1997; Steiber and 
Haas, 2009). It has been observed that people easily adjust their attitudes to 
justify their behaviour, as is argued by interest-based theorists (Kroska and 
Elman, 2009).  
The focus of this study is to reveal what constraints and openings mothers 
experience themselves while describing their own work activity. Therefore, the 
study specifically focuses on the themes and concepts that emerge in their stories 
vis-à-vis choice, preferences, gender and work attitudes about the ideal division 
of labour between men and women.   
3.5 Research 
method 
A first important question of this thesis is whether mothers with different working 
patterns also differ in their narratives of choice, work preferences and attitudes? 
In order to answer the central research question, semi-structured face-to-face 
interviews have been conducted with 39 mothers living in or in the vicinity of 
Amsterdam, The Netherlands, all of whom have at least one child younger than 
12 years old living at home. The age at which most parents deem children to be 
old enough to be left on their own is 11 (Duncan, 2005). For this reason, mothers 
with pre-school aged children generally work less than other mothers, and 
mothers’ work participation increases with the age of the youngest child (Marks 
and Houston, 2002a; Van Putten et al., 2008). Although the affect that the age of 
children has on the number of work hours of mothers varies, some studies do find 
a profound relationship (Haas et al., 2006; Marks and Houston, 2002a; Risman et 
al., 1999); others have found that the age of children contributes little towards an 
understanding of varying employment rates among mothers (Cloïn, 2010; 
Duncan, 2005). 
The interviews took place between April 2010 and November 2010, and on 
average took one and a half hours. Full transcriptions of the interviews were 
taken.  
In order to select the interviewees, four categories of mothers were 
differentiated according to their employment patterns: mothers who work 0 to 11 
hours per week, 12 to 24 hours, 25 to 35 hours and 36 hours or more. As is well 

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Chapter 3 - A qualitative typology of Dutch mothers’ employment narratives 
83 
known, higher educational levels lead to higher levels of labour participation, 
especially for mothers (Merens et al., 2011). Sufficient education is then 
understood as a precondition for labour market participation. For example, higher 
educated women work more, because their higher wage allows them to pay for 
child-care facilities (Doorewaard et al., 2004, p.11). Furthermore, it is known that 
women’s and men’s education is positively associated with exposure to ideas 
about equality and/or the establishment of career-oriented networks (Cunningham 
et al., 2005, p.887; Kroska and Elman, 2009, p.373). In 2009, 37 per cent of 
Dutch higher educated mothers worked more than 35 hours, as opposed to only 
18 per cent of lower educated mothers. 52 per cent of the lower educated mothers 
did not participate in the labour market at all, as compared to 12 per cent of the 
higher educated mothers (Central Bureau of Statistics, Statline, 2011).  
In order to be able to reveal whether choices, preferences and attitudes or 
mainly educational levels influence labour market behaviour, I tried to include in 
each of the four employment categories an approximately equal number of lower 
(intermediate vocational level and lower) and higher educated mothers (higher 
vocational level and university)  (see appendix 1). For theoretical reasons, the 
sample of interviewed mothers was drawn largely from within one urban area, 
Amsterdam. In this way, differences in employment behaviour among 
respondents do not differ with respect to the influence of structural and cultural 
factors which may diverge between urban and rural areas, such as the availability 
of childcare provisions and jobs and religiousness, which in turn could interfere 
with potential differences in attitudes, preferences and choices.  
In order to achieve good correspondence between research questions and 
sampling, a strategy of purpose sampling had to be followed (Bryman, 2008, 
p.458-459). To be able to fill all eight categories (four along employment patterns 
and two along educational levels) of mothers within one area equally, the 
respondents were found using the snowball method. The main virtue of 
theoretical sampling is that the emphasis is upon using theoretical reflection on 
data as the guide of whether more data are needed. The collection of material 
ended when theoretical saturation was reached, when new interviewees did not 
bring more diversity. Quite clearly this research method cannot produce a 
statistically representative sample, since it relies upon the social contacts between 
individuals to trace additional contacts.  
Firstly, a small group of mothers in the social environment of the researcher, 
the so-called weak ties (Granovetter, 1973), was approached, predominantly at a 
primary school in Amsterdam (Old West Quarter). Subsequently, the other 
respondents were approached on the advice of the first group of respondents. 
Most respondents agreed immediately to the interview request and showed 
interest in the subject. A few respondents were initially hesitant, and only a few 
mothers refused to participate.  

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