Chapter 2
The Main Opposition Groups and their Programmes;
Luther and Muenzer
The grouping of the numerous and variegated groups into bigger units was at that time
made impossible by decentralisation, by local and provincial independence, by industrial
and commercial isolation of the provinces from each other, and by poor means of
communication. This grouping develops only with the general spread of revolutionary,
religious and political ideas, in the course of the Reformation. The various groups of the
population which either
accept or oppose those ideas, concentrate the nation, very slowly
and only approximately indeed, into three large camps, the reactionary or Catholic, the
reformist middle-class or Lutheran, and the revolutionary elements. If we discover little
logic even in this great division of the nation, if the first two camps include partly the same
elements, it is due to the fact that most of the official groupings brought over from the
Middle Ages had begun to dissolve
and to become decentralised, which circumstance gave
to the same groups in different localities a momentary opposing orientation. In the last
years we have so often met with similar facts in Germany that we will not be surprised at
this apparent mixture of groups and classes under the much more complicated conditions
of the Sixteenth Century.
The German ideology of to-day sees in the struggles to which the Middle Ages had
succumbed nothing but violent theological bickerings, this notwithstanding our modern
experiences. Had the people of that time only been able to reach an understanding
concerning the celestial things, say our patriotic historians and wise statesmen, there would
have been no ground whatever for struggle over earthly affairs. These ideologists were
gullible enough to accept on their face value all the illusions
which an epoch maintains
about itself, or which the ideologists of a certain period maintained about that period. This
class of people, which saw in the revolution of 1789 nothing but a heated debate over the
advantages of a constitutional monarchy as compared with absolutism, would see in the
July Revolution a practical controversy over the untenability of the empire by the grace of
God, and in the February Revolution, an attempt at solving the problem of a republic or
monarchy, etc. Of the
class struggles which were being fought out in these convulsions,
and whose mere expression is being every time written as a political
slogan on the banner
of these class struggles, our ideologists have no conception even at the present time,
although manifestations of them are audible enough not only abroad, but also from the
grumbling and the resentment of many thousands of home proletarians.
In the so-called religious wars of the Sixteenth Century, very positive material class-
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interests were at play, and those wars were class wars just as were the later collisions in
England and France. If the class struggles of that time appear to bear religious earmarks, if
the
interests, requirements and demands of the various classes hid themselves behind a
religious screen, it little changes the actual situation, and is to be explained by conditions
of the time.
The Middle Ages had developed out of raw primitiveness. It had done away with old
civilisation, old philosophy, politics and jurisprudence, in order to begin anew in every
respect. The only thing which it had retained from the old shattered world was Christianity
and a number of half-ruined cities deprived of their civilisation. As a consequence, the
clergy retained a monopoly of intellectual education, a phenomenon
to be found in every
primitive stage of development, and education itself had acquired a predominantly
theological nature.
In the hands of the clergy, politics and jurisprudence, as well as other sciences,
remained branches of theology, and were treated according to the principles prevailing in
the latter. The dogmas of the church were at the same time political axioms, and Bible
quotations had the validity of law in every court. Even after the formation of a special class
of jurists, jurisprudence long remained under the tutelage of theology.
This supremacy of
theology in the realm of intellectual activities was at the same time a logical consequence
of the situation of the church as the most general force coordinating and sanctioning
existing feudal domination.
It is obvious that under such conditions, all general and overt attacks on feudalism, in
the first place attacks on the church, all revolutionary, social and political doctrines,
necessarily became theological heresies. In order to be attacked, existing social conditions
had to be stripped of their aureole of sanctity.
The revolutionary opposition to feudalism was alive throughout all the Middle Ages.
According to conditions of the time, it appeared either
in the form of mysticism, as open
heresy, or of armed insurrection. As mysticism, it is well known how indispensable it was
for the reformers of the Sixteenth Century. Muenzer himself was largely indebted to it. The
heresies were partly an expression of the reaction of the patriarchal Alpine shepherds
against the encroachments of feudalism in their realm (Waldenses
[4]
), partly an opposition
to feudalism of the cities that had out-grown it (The Albigenses, Arnold of Brescia, etc.),
and partly direct insurrections of peasants (John Ball, the master from Hungary in Picardy,
etc.). We can omit, in this connection, the patriarchal heresy of the Waldenses, as well as
the
insurrection of the Swiss, which by form and contents, was a reactionary attempt at
stemming the tide of historic development, and of a purely local importance. In the other
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