the
princes joined it, another vacillated. Success was almost certain at least in a large
portion of Germany. Under continued peaceful development the other regions could not in
the long run withstand the pressure of moderate opposition. Violent convulsions, on the
other hand, were bound to result in a conflict between the moderates and the extreme
plebeian and peasant party, thus to alienate the princes, the nobility, and a number of cities
from the movement and to leave open the alternative of either
the middle-class party being
overshadowed by the peasants and plebeians, or the entire movement being crushed by
Catholic restoration. How middle-class parties, having achieved the slightest victory,
attempt to steer their way between the Scylla of revolution and the Charybdis of restoration
by means of lawful progress, we have had occasions enough to observe in the events of
recent times.
It was in the nature of the then prevailing social and political conditions that the results
of every change were advantageous to the princes, increasing their power. Thus it came
about that
the middle-class reform, having parted ways with the plebeian and peasant
elements, fell more and more under the control of the reform princes. Luther’s
subservience to them increased, and the people knew very well what they were doing when
they accused him of having become a slave of the princes as were all the others, and when
they pursued him with stones in Orlamuende.
When the peasant war broke out, becoming more predominant in regions with Catholic
nobility and princes, Luther strove to maintain a conciliatory position. He resolutely
attacked the governments. He said it was due to their oppression that the revolts had
started, that not the peasants alone were against them, but God as well.
On the other hand,
he also said that the revolt was ungodly and against the Gospel. He advised both parties to
yield, to reach a peaceful understanding.
Notwithstanding these sincere attempts at conciliation, however, the revolt spread
rapidly over large areas, including such sections as were dominated by Protestant Lutheran
princes, nobles and cities, and rapidly outgrew the middle-class “circumspect” reform. The
most determined faction of the insurgents under Muenzer opened their headquarters in
Luther’s very proximity, in Thuringia.
A few more successes, and Germany would have
been one big conflagration, Luther would have been surrounded, perhaps piked as a traitor,
and middle-class reform would have been swept away by the tides of a peasant-plebeian
revolution. There was no more time for circumspection. In the face of the revolution, all
old animosities were forgotten. Compared with the hordes of peasants, the servants of the
Roman Sodom were innocent lambs, sweet-tempered children of God.
Burgher and prince,
noble and clergyman, Luther and the pope united “against the murderous and plundering
hordes of the peasants.” “They should be knocked to pieces, strangled and stabbed, secretly
The Peasant War in Germany
– 33 –
and openly, by everybody who can do it, just as one must kill a mad dog!” Luther cried.
“Therefore, dear gentlemen, hearken here,
save there, stab, knock, strangle them at will,
and if thou diest, thou art blessed; no better death canst thou ever attain.” No false mercy
was to be practised in relation to the peasants. “Whoever hath pity on those whom God
pities not, whom He wishes punished and destroyed, shall be classed among the rebellious
himself.” Later, he said, the peasants would learn to thank God when they had to give away
one cow in order that they might enjoy the other in peace. Through the revolution, he said,
the princes would learn the spirit of the mob which could reign by force only. “The wise
man says:
‘Cibus, onus et virgam asino.’ The heads of the peasants are full of chaff. They
do
not hearken to the Word, and they are senseless, so they must hearken to the virga and
the gun, and this is only just. We must pray for them that they obey. Where they do not,
there should not be much mercy. Let the guns roar among them, or else they will make it a
thousand times worse.”
It is the same language that was used by our late socialist and philanthropic
bourgeoisie, when, after the March days the proletariat also demanded its share in the fruits
of victory.
Luther had given the plebeian movement a powerful weapon – a translation of the
Bible. Through the Bible, he contrasted feudal Christianity of
his time with moderate
Christianity of the first century. In opposition to decaying feudal society, he held up the
picture of another society which knew nothing of the ramified and artificial feudal
hierarchy. The peasants had made extensive use of this weapon against the forces of the
princes, the nobility, and the clergy. Now Luther turned the same weapon against the
peasants, extracting from the Bible a veritable hymn to the authorities ordained by God – a
feat hardly exceeded by any lackey of absolute monarchy. Princedom by the grace of God,
passive resistance, even serfdom, were being sanctioned by the Bible.
Thus Luther
repudiated not only the peasant insurrection but even his own revolt against religious and
lay authority. He not only betrayed the popular movement to the princes, but the middle-
class movement as well.
Need we mention other bourgeois who recently gave us examples of repudiating their
own past?
The Peasant War in Germany
– 34 –