confine themselves to preaching
their evil doctrine, but incited to insurrection, to violent
lawless action against the authorities.
On August 1st, Muenzer was compelled to appear before the princes in the castle of
Weimar, to defend himself against the accusation of incendiary machinations. There were
highly compromising facts quoted against him; his secret union had been traced; his hand
was discovered in the organisation of the pitmen and the peasants. He was being threatened
with banishment. Upon returning to Allstedt, he learned Duke Georg of Saxony demanded
his extradition. Union letters in his handwriting had been intercepted,
wherein he called
Georg’s subjects to armed resistance against the enemies of the Gospel. The council would
have extradited him had he not left the city.
In the meantime, the rising agitation among the peasants and the plebeians had
enormously lightened Muenzer’s task of propaganda. In the person of the Anabaptists he
found invaluable agents. This sect, having no definite dogmas, held together by common
opposition against all ruling classes and by the common symbol of second baptism, ascetic
in their mode of living, untiring, fanatic
and intrepid in propaganda, had grouped itself
more closely around Muenzer. Made homeless by constant persecutions, its members
wandered over the length and breadth of Germany, announcing everywhere the new gospel
wherein Muenzer had made clear to them their own demands and wishes. Numberless
Anabaptists were put on the rack, burned or otherwise executed. But the courage and
endurance of these emissaries were unshaken, and the success of their activities amidst the
rapidly rising agitation of the people was enormous. That
was one of the reasons why, on
his flight from Thuringia, Muenzer found the ground prepared wherever he turned.
In Nuernberg, a peasant revolt had been nipped in the bud a month previous. Here
Muenzer conducted his propaganda under cover. Soon there appeared persons who
defended his most audacious theological doctrines of the non-obligatory power of the Bible
and the meaninglessness of sacraments, declaring Christ to have been a mere man, and the
power of lay authorities to be ungodly. “We see there Satan stalking, the spirit of Allstedt!”
Luther exclaimed. In Nuernberg, Muenzer printed his reply to Luther. He accused him of
flattering the princes and supporting the reactionary party by his moderate position. “The
people will free themselves
in spite of everything,” he wrote, “and then the fate of Dr.
Luther will be that of a captive fox.” The city council ordered the paper confiscated, and
Muenzer was compelled to leave the city. From there he went through Suabia to Alsace,
then to Switzerland, and then back to the Upper Black Forest where the insurrection had
started several months before, precipitated largely by the Anabaptist emissaries. There is
no doubt that this propaganda trip of Muenzer’s added much to the organisation of the
people’s party, to a clear formulation of its demands and to the final general outbreak of the
The Peasant War in Germany
– 40 –
insurrection
in April, 1525. It was through this trip that the dual nature of Muenzer’s
activities became more and more pronounced – on the one hand, his propaganda among the
people whom he approached in the only language then comprehensible to the masses, that
of religious prophecy; on the other hand, his contact with the initiated, to whom he could
disclose his ultimate aims. Even previous to this journey he had grouped around himself in
Thuringia a circle of the most determined persons, not only from among the people, but
also from
among the lower clergy, a circle whom he had put at the head of the secret
organisation. Now he became the centre of the entire revolutionary movement of southwest
Germany, organising connections between Saxony and Thuringia through Franconia and
Suabia up to Alsace and the Swiss frontier and counting among his disciples and the heads
of the organisation such men as Hubmaier of Waldshut, Conrad Grebel of Zurich, Franz
Rabmann of Griessen, Schappelar of Memmingen, Jakob Wehe of Leipheim, and Dr.
Mantel in Stuttgart, the most revolutionary of priests. He kept himself mostly in Griessen
on
the Schaffhausen frontier, undertaking journeys through the Hegau, Klettgau, etc. The
bloody persecutions undertaken by the alarmed princes and masters everywhere against
this new plebeian heresy, aided not a little in fanning the rebellious spirit and closing the
ranks of the organisation. In this way, Muenzer passed five months in upper Germany.
When the outbreak of the general movement was at hand, he returned to Thuringia, where
he wished to lead the movement personally. There we will find him later.
We shall see how truly the character and the behaviour of the two party heads reflected
the position of their respective parties. Luther’s indecision,
his fear of the movement,
assumed serious proportions; his cowardly servility towards the princes corresponded
closely to the hesitating, vacillating policy of the middle-classes. The revolutionary energy
and decisiveness of Muenzer, on the other hand, was seen in the most advanced faction of
the plebeians and peasants. The difference was that while Luther confined himself to an
expression of the ideas and wishes of a majority of his class and thereby acquired among it
a very cheap popularity, Muenzer,
on the contrary, went far beyond the immediate ideas
and demands of the plebeians and peasants, organising out of the then existing
revolutionary elements a party, which, as far as it stood on the level of his ideas and shared
his energy, still represented only a small minority of the insurgent masses.
The Peasant War in Germany
– 41 –