28
For example, Katz-Gerro (1999) uses data from the General Social Survey to show the different music
preferences of different social classes.
19
explanations, or the basis of their explanations on introduction of frictions into the two-period
model of utility maximization.
But there is the alternative possibility: that it is the nature of the utility function itself that
is responsible for the breakdown. Perhaps that was Keynes’ precise intent in describing the
dependence of consumption on current income as due to a psychological law.
A good place to search for such a psychological law occurs in what economists have
systematically left out of utility functions: components of utility functions related to how people
think they should or should not behave. There is considerable work in sociology that discusses
the extent to which consumer choice at the micro level is not just determined by income. It is
also dependent on what the consumer thinks he should consume. Bourdieu (1984), for example,
has claimed that different patterns of cultural consumption, associated with norms of what
people of different class origins think they should consume, plays an important role in the
reduplication of the class structure itself from one generation to the next. However, we do not
need to look at attitudes toward music or high culture (like Bourdieu and his followers
28
) to see
such norms. As shown by a recent study (Woodward (2003)), the dependence of consumption
decisions on how people think they should or should not behave, can be seen even at the most
prosaic level: in the explanations of their home-furnishing choices by middle-class Australian
homeowners. These housewives not only had varying criteria for their selections (for example
between the weight placed on appearance versus the weight placed on comfort); tellingly, they
also viewed their own choices as morally right, and the alternatives as morally wrong.
While consumers’ concerns for their home furnishings or even their consumption of
29
Such a mental calculus accords with equity theory in social psychology. The key relation in equity theory
is that profits should be proportional to investments, a rule that sounds as if it comes from economics. The important
distinction in equity theory in social psychology that is different from economics, however, is that both the profits
and investments are to be seen not just in objective terms but in psychological terms as well. An excellent exposition
is given by Brown (1986. pp. 74-88).
30
Kenneth Chang and Dennis Overbye, “Planet or Not, Pluto Has Far-out Rival,” New York Times, July 31,
2005, p. 1.
20
culture and music will not affect macroeconomics one whit, related views regarding how much
they should or should not consume will affect the consumption function. Such views will easily
account for the special relation between current income and current expenditure. It is natural for
people to think that they can consume more if they deserve it, and an increase in their current
income gives the most natural reason why they might deserve more. Thus the very tight relation
between consumption and disposable income may not occur only because it gives consumers a
good way to discipline their spending to correspond to their income, but also because it
corresponds to a moral calculus that when people do something they deem worthy, they think
they deserve to spend more as well.
29
There are many signs that people have such a disposition.
They include strong pay-day effects, whereby those paid monthly spend more in the aftermath of
pay-day than over the rest of the month (Huffman and Barenstein (2003)). Or when people reach
some milestone that takes some accomplishment, perhaps even the passing of yet another year,
they think they deserve a celebration. The recent discoverer of what may be deemed the tenth
planet expressed a similar thought: he was going to consume ten bottles of champagne.
30
VI. Investment and Cash Flow and Income
The debate concerning the nature of the investment function has surprisingly close
parallel to the debate about the consumption function. The early Keynesians emphasized two
31
See especially Meyer and Kuh (1957).
21
variables as determinants of investment: current cash flow (with profits as a major component)
and also the firm’s current holdings of liquid assets. Each of these variables is a measure of
funds available to firms for investment without seeking outside finance.
31
In contrast, the later
literature denied any special role of liquidity in the investment function.
The first such questioning came from Modigliani and Miller, who assumed that managers
maximize shareholder value and that markets are frictionless and competitive. In this case a
firm’s liquidity position plays no role in its investment decisions. The argument for
independence proceeds as follows. By construction, Modigliani and Miller show how a
competitive equilibrium changes if a firm increases its debt. In the new equilibrium, investment
will be unchanged; and shareholders will offset the increase in the firm’s debt by a compensating
decrease in the bonds in their respective private portfolios. The reason the equilibrium changes
in this way is straightforward: If the markets for debt cleared in the old equilibrium, they will
again clear in the new. If managers’ choice of investment maximized shareholder value in the
old equilibrium, the same choice of investment maximizes it in the new. Investment is therefore
independent of the firm’s finance decision about its current financial position, including its
current liquidity position and its current cash flow.
The advent of q-theory further questioned a special place for current variables, such as
cash flow and liquid asset holdings in the investment decision. In the original version of the
theory, James Tobin (1969) suggested that a firm’s optimal investment strategy arbitrages
between the value at which it can sell a unit of its capital and its investment costs to produce a
new unit of capital. In this case the firm will invest up to the point where the marginal cost of a
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