Australian Liberal Party politician and prime minister (1966–1967).
Born on
5 August 1908 in Sydney, Harold Holt, the son of a well-known theater direc-
tor, graduated with a law degree from the University of Melbourne and
worked for a short time as a solicitor before being elected to the federal par-
liament in 1935, where he became a protégé of Liberal Party leader Robert
Gordon Menzies. Holt briefly served in the Australian Army during World
War II.
After eight years in opposition during 1941–1949, the new Menzies
government of 1949 named Holt minister for labor and national service. He
held this post until 1958. He also served as minister of immigration during
1949–1956. He became deputy leader of the Liberal Party in 1956 and was
appointed finance minister (treasurer) in 1958, a post he held until he suc-
ceeded Menzies as prime minister in 1966.
The major issue that confronted the Holt government was the Vietnam
War. Consistent with the conservative Liberal Party’s policies, Holt held fast
to the U.S.-Australian alliance and increased troop deployments to Vietnam,
which was very controversial. By tapping into the traditional American affin-
ity among the Australian populace, the Holt government continued to main-
tain its popularity.
On 17 December 1967, Holt drowned while swimming at a resort in
Portsea, Victoria. His remains were never found, and he was officially pre-
sumed dead on 19 December.
Josh Ushay
See also
Australia; Menzies, Robert Gordon; Vietnam War
References
Albinski, Henry Stephen. Politics and Foreign Policy in Australia: The Impact of Vietnam
and Conscription. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1970.
Holt, Zara. My Life and Harry: An Autobiography. Melbourne: The Herald, 1968.
Welsh, Frank. Great Southern Land: A New History of Australia. London: Allen Lane,
2004.
Spanish-speaking nation in the north-central portion of Central America.
Honduras, with a 1945 population of 1.37 million people, covers 43,278 square
miles and is bordered by Guatemala and the Caribbean Sea to the north
and east, Nicaragua to the south, and El Salvador and the Pacific Ocean to
the south-southwest. Honduras became a key Cold War ally of the United
States, serving as a staging area from which insurrections were launched
against Guatemala in 1954 and Nicaragua during the 1980s. Despite its close
Honduras
919
Holt, Harold Edward
(1908–1967)
Honduras
relationship with Washington, Honduras has
remained one of the poorest
countries in Latin America.
By 1907, Honduras had endured seven revolutions in fifteen years and
was stricken with a foreign debt of $124 million. By the 1920s the all-powerful
United Fruit Company (UFCO) had begun to exert strong influence in Hon-
duras and by 1924 owned 88,000 acres of land. In 1929, UFCO paid $32 mil-
lion to buy out its Honduran competitor, thus completing its takeover of fruit
production in Honduras.
By the start of the Cold War, Honduras was the archetypal banana re-
public, the entire economy of which was controlled by large American fruit
companies. In 1954, however, the political landscape in Honduras began to
change. UFCO’s workers went on strike, marking a significant change in
Honduran labor practices. The series of coups and countercoups that fol-
lowed the strike led to the rise to power of Dr. Villeda Morales in 1957. Mod-
eling himself on Guatemalan President Jacobo Arbenz and Costa Rican leader
José Figueres Ferrer, Morales introduced a labor code, social security, and
agrarian reforms. However, the high level of control that U.S. investors held
in Honduras stymied many of his reforms.
Honduras was critical to the United States in both geostrategic and
financial terms, as its location served as an ideal base from which to influence
other Central American nations. As such, Honduras was used as a base for
the U.S.-armed and -trained forces that would march into Guatemala and
overthrow the leftist Arbenz in 1954.
By the time President John F. Kennedy introduced the Alliance for
Progress in 1961, Honduras was a key strategic U.S. ally. In 1963 Morales was
overthrown and replaced by an army junta, causing great consternation in
Washington. Kennedy severed all ties with Honduras, seeking to deter other
ambitious militaries in Latin America. Ironically, however, Washington was
largely responsible for creating the Honduran Army through a 1954 agree-
ment and was forced to recognize that without the support of the Honduran
junta, the Alliance for Progress had little chance of success. The net result
in Honduras was to instigate a class war, which was further compounded in
1969 when El Salvador invaded Honduras in the infamous Soccer War, which
broke out during a soccer match between the two countries.
By the end of the 1970s, Honduras had become a vast U.S. military base.
Consequentially, the Honduran Army became even more powerful, while
mounting social and economic ills were overlooked. Honduras had its place
in the U.S. world order spelled out when President Gerald Ford’s adminis-
tration offered little help to Hondurans after a 1975 hurricane in retaliation
for a proposed land redistribution policy. By the end of the decade, as Wash-
ington’s policies in Central American began to disintegrate, Honduras again
became a critical U.S. ally.
Deteriorating U.S.-Nicaraguan relations only heightened the impor-
tance of Honduras in Central America, especially during Ronald Reagan’s
presidency. During 1980–1984, U.S. military aid to Honduras jumped from
$4 million annually to $77.5 million. Washington’s focus on short-term strate-
gic and military objectives backfired, however, when political instability in
920
Honduras
By the start of the
Cold War, Honduras
was the archetypal
“banana republic,”
the entire economy
of which was
controlled by large
American fruit
companies.