4
Diana: They Will Kill Me in a Car Crash
The interviews included here (p. 17-18), one with
Morgan and the other with long-time Al-Fayed family
spokesman Michael Cole, focus on two instances in Oc-
tober 1995 when Diana spoke about a threat to her life
from Prince Charles and the Crown. One was the note
to her butler, Paul Burrell, in which she said, “…this par-
ticular phase of my life is the most dangerous—my hus-
band is planning ‘an accident’ in my car, brake failure
and serious head injury”. Cole also recounts that Diana
went to her solicitor, Lord Mishcon, about this threat,
telling him that scenario came from “reliable sources
whom she did not wish to reveal”, as Mishcon made a
note at the time. After her death, “because the circum-
stances were so [much] as the Princess had predicted
it, he took that note to Scotland Yard; and Scotland Yard
suppressed that note for six years.”
With the spectre of a resurgence of the 1997 public
uproar ever present, Dodi’s father Mohamed Al-Fayed
and his legal team forced two belated “investigations”
to be made. The Crown fought tooth and nail to lim-
it any investigation to being conducted by the Coroner
of the Queen’s Household, without a jury. Finally, Her
Majesty’s Coroner commissioned the Metropolitan Po-
lice (Scotland Yard) to undertake what became known
as the 2004-06 Paget Inquiry. Mandated specifically to
examine whether the Royals had directed MI6 to orga-
nise the Paris crash, the inquiry concluded that it was
only an “accident”. With public outrage still not quieted,
the 2007-08 inquest was held before a jury in the Roy-
al Courts of Justice. Even the shamelessly biased presid-
ing Justice Scott Baker was forced to include in his for-
mal list of 20 topics of the inquest, whether Diana had
feared for her life and why, and whether British or other
intelligence agencies had been involved in her death.
But from day one of the inquest, Baker harangued the
jury to dismiss any “conspiracy theories” regarding Di-
ana’s death, “theories” naturally centred upon the Royals.
Far from any deployment of the Crown’s vast resources,
including MI5, MI6, and GCHQ, to find out who com-
mitted the killing, every effort was made to keep mem-
bers of the Royal family and MI6 personnel, even those
documented to have been in Paris when Diana died,
from being called to testify. At the conclusion of the six-
month inquest, Baker limited the jury to a short list of al-
lowable verdicts. “Murder” was not one of them; if they
believed the deaths were homicides, they would have
to return an “open” verdict, meaning that the cause was
undetermined. Instead, Cole emphasised, the jury reject-
ed “accidental death” and chose the strongest available
choice, “unlawful killing”.
Britain’s Political Future, and What You Can Do
Though a life-long republican, Jeremy Corbyn has
stated that he will not abolish the Crown, and he is a
man of his word. But, will the sponsor of terrorism and
the Anglo-Saudi alliance, Prince Charles, be allowed to
ascend the throne? One could welcome the scheme of
skipping a generation in the succession to Queen Eliz-
abeth II, but even more so a major institutional shift in
Britain to a constitutional monarchy, with a written Con-
stitution which limits the power of the Crown.
If Corbyn becomes Prime Minister and carries out the
promises to which he has devoted his life, there can be
no doubt that the Crown-centred Establishment will at-
tempt to remove him, either by outright assassination,
or by the more subtle method of unleashing such un-
imaginable terrorism as to justify the establishment of a
full-blown police state, in which he could not govern. It
is worth remembering our experience in Australia with
the sacking of Prime Minister Gough Whitlam
in 1975,
done by the Queen from behind the mask of her Gov-
ernor-General and with assistance from Prince Charles,
and the claim by UK Labour PM Harold Wilson, before
his sudden resignation in 1976, that the Crown in the
person of Lord Mountbatten and the intelligence services
was out to overthrow him. The issue in each case was
their daring to confront the institutions, as Corbyn does
today: Whitlam wanted to “buy back the farm”, reclaim-
ing Australia’s resources from the Crown-tied raw mate-
rials cartel, while Wilson had presented the Bank of En-
gland with plans to launch a manufacturing-led renais-
sance “with finance the handmaiden and not the con-
troller of our economic development”.
And if the Crown did murder Diana in a desperate
bid to preserve their power, what else would they not
do towards the same end? The danger of violent acts is
amplified now, when more and more authorities ac-
knowledge that Anglo-American finance is hurtling to-
ward a new global crash, worse than in 2007-08, and
likewise caused by the Establishment’s policies of “mon-
ey before people”.
The means to prevent such scenarios lie in the prin-
ciple of Labour’s recent campaign, “For the many, not
the few”, which Diana also represented in her time and
in her way. It is fitting that the 20th anniversary of her
death falls amidst the greatest mass political ferment
since her funeral. Each of “the many” can and must
speak out openly against the continued reign of terror
and murderous austerity.
In 1819 Percy Shelley commemorated those massa-
cred at Peterloo (Manchester), who had peacefully gath-
ered to demand justice and economic reforms, in his po-
ems “England in 1819” and “The Mask of Anarchy” (in
which the line “Ye are many—they are few” appears).
In his essay of the same year “A Philosophical View of
Reform”, Shelley wrote that through the “Glorious Rev-
olution” of 1688 and the establishment of the Bank of
England in 1694, the old feudal aristocracy had given
birth to a new, financial oligarchy which ruled mainly
“by fraud”, instead of naked force.
Ultimately, the present political ferment can secure
justice for Diana, for all Britons, and for the rest of the
world, by breaking up the power of that financial oli-
garchy—the Too-Big-to-Fail banks through which the
Crown/City of London-centred Establishment rules. Pre-
cisely what this means, how to do it, and the urgency of
your personal participation in the process are explained
at the end of this pamphlet (p. 35-6). As you take up this
battle you can be sure that Diana will smile down upon
you, for your devotion to the passion which ruled the fi-
nal years of her own life—“for the many, not the few”.
Sincerely,
Craig Isherwood
National Secretary
Citizens Electoral Council of Australia
20 August 2017