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119 
 
and habits of the local population’ would make Soviet power seem indigenous 
rather than an external Russian imperial imposition.” Thus he defined his sytem of 
cultures as “national in form, socialist in content”.
319
 
 
Initially, the Russians readily accepted Arabic as the official language of the 
newly established Soviet Mountain Republic and moreover, the Bolsheviks 
allowed the functioning of religious schools. However, by 1922 native language 
schools replaced by these schools.
320
 In 1924, with the exception of Dagestan 
where they remained until 1927, all Arabic or religious schools were closed. As an 
alternative the Bolsheviks introduced latinized alphabets to create written native 
languages. In this way, “the right of so called ‘independent development’ was 
recognized for each local language and separate dialect to became ‘state language’ 
in each autonomous republic or oblast along with Russian.”
321
 Moreover, Russian 
along with the native languages became the primary educational language 
throughout the North Caucasus in 1920s. 
This latinization process was strongly opposed prompting different 
reactions from the peoples of the North Caucasus. Even the local Communist 
leaders opposed it, as they were demanding a unified script. They wanted the 
languages to be brought closer together, not artificially divided.
322
 But, those who 
openly opposed this process were labelled bourgeois nationalists and most were 
executed. 
                                                 
319
 Martin, The Affirmative Action, 13. 
320
 R. Adighe, 1956. “Cherkess Cultural Life,” Caucasian Review, (Munich), 2: 85. 
321
 R. Karcha, 1958. “The Status of Popular Education in the Northern Caucasus,” Caucasian 
Review, (Munich), 7: 111. Also see Ramazan Karça, 1959. “Kuzey Kafkasyada Halk Tahsilinin 
Durumu,” Dergi, (Munich), 5(15): 62-75. 

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120 
 
Then Moscow decided to replace this latin script and openly instigated the 
policy of Cyrilization in 1938-9, which was viewed as forced Russification and met 
by revolts among the Karachays, Balkars, Ingush and Chechens. This was 
accompanied with the acceptance of Russian as the obligatory language in 
education and the assimilation process in the North Caucasus gained momentum.
323
 
 
Moreover, the Soviet government divided its population into two broad 
categories: eastern and western nationalities.
324
 This dictomy was based primarily 
on the developmental stage. The peoples of the North Caucasus, naturally, 
belonged to the economically and culturally ‘backward’ eastern nationalities group. 
“In the east, major problem was a lack of literate, educated titular nationals, 
and so the policy emphasis was an affirmative action in education and 
hiring to create national elites. Only after their creation would lingistic 
korenizatsia be possible.”
325
 
 
Then the formation process of native local leaders in the North Caucasus 
was gained a momentum, but the results were not complied with theory.
326
 
 
2- Politics in Exile: 
While the Bolsheviks, who were cementing their control over the region 
were suppressing the uprisings, the nationalist groups of the Mountaineers left the 
                                                                                                                                        
322
 R. Adighe, 86. 
323
 R. Karcha, 1956. “Genocide in the Northern Caucasus,” Caucasian Review, (Munich), 2: 77-88 
and 1956. “Şimali Kafkasya’da Tehcir ve Katliam,” Dergi, (Munich), 2(5): 35-50. 
324
 The Soviet regime made and declared the official list of these ‘culturally backward’ nationalities 
only in 1932, which comprised 97 nationalities. All the peoples of the North Caucasus naturally 
found a place in this list. For the list see Martin, The Affirmative Action, 56. 
325
 Martin, The Affirmative Action, 24. 

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121 
 
North Caucasus. Apart from the leaders who were in İstanbul and Paris, some 
stayed in Tiflis and as a last attempt, formed the ‘Azerbaijan-North Caucasus 
Committee,’ (Azerbaycan-Kuzey Kafkasya Komitesi). On 22 February 1921, 
Haydar Bammat informed the European powers of the formation and the 
composition of the Committee through a radio broadcast.
327
 The basic aim of the 
Committee was, naturally, the liberation of Azerbaijan and the North Caucasus and 
the creation of a confederative state with Georgia and Armenia. As Bammat states, 
this Committee was the first real step towards the establishment of a Caucasian 
Confederation.
328
 On the day of its foundation, the Georgian government 
recognized the Committee as the provisional government of Azerbaijan and the 
North Caucasus. The advance and success of the Red Army, however, halted the 
realization of this idea, at least in the territory of the Caucasus. 
From then on, representatives of the formerly independent Caucasian 
Republics have to shift the base of their struggle for independence outside their 
homelands, especially to Europe. Paris was the first safe heaven. In fact, the 
Caucasian Republics already had delegations in Paris in charge of defending rights 
of their peoples at the Versailles Peace Conference. It is interesting to note that, in 
contrast to the attitude of the period of Civil War, the leaders of the former 
Caucasian Republics began to act in a spirit of compromise, and their 
organizations, publications and leadership intermingled and supported each other. 
                                                                                                                                        
326
 For the activities and the ‘achievements’ of one of these native North Caucasian leaders see 
Umar Aliev, 1926. Natsional’nyi Vopros i Natsonal’naia Kul’tura v Severo-Kavkazskom Krae: 
(Itogi i Perspektiy) k Predstoiashchemu S’ezdu Gorskikh Narodov, Rostov: Sekavkniga. 
327
 Haydar Bammate, 1991. “The Caucasus and the Russian Revolution (from a Political 
Viewpoint),” Central Asian Survey, 10(4): 25. The Committee was made up of as follows: Haydar 
Bammat, chairman; Mustafa Vekilli, vice-chairman; and as the executive members Ahmet Tsalikov, 
Ali Khan Kantemir, Shafi Bek Rustem Bek, and Bagir Rıza. 

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