59
(The attribute of age is also built into the South
Sámi theonym
Hovrengaellies, where,
gaellies
is a word for ‘old man’).
43
Proto-Sámi
*ājjē
may thus have been carried with the language
as a way to designate the thunder god.
However, the designation’s ambiguity would
not necessarily require a change in the
conception of the local god.
In the northeast religion region and in
coastal North Sámi, the name of the thunder
god and central sky god, Proto-Sámi
*Tiermēs
(
Dierpmis) (Rydving 2010: 98–102), appears
to be a loan from a Palaeo-European language
(Aikio 2012: 84). This theonym is
an indicator
that a prominent feature of indigenous
religion
was maintained through the language shift.
Some vocabulary of the Common Proto-Sámi
lexicon was interfaced with religious concepts,
yet there is a general absence of terms for
otherworldly agents of a cosmogony or
cosmology that would likely be at the center of
religious discourse and activities. The exceptions
are words for the ‘sun’ and ‘moon’, the former
having spread with the language and the latter
a loan that spread through Proto-Sámi dialects;
neither seems linked to a spread of ideas about
these celestial bodies as agents.
The lack of lexical evidence for positive
otherworldly agents and forces that could be
connected with religious activity in Common
Proto-Sámi, contrasts with words of diverse
background for four types of negative agents.
In other words, about 15% of the 26 potential
words reviewed were terms for supernatural
agents, none of which would be central to
religious activity; instead, they are types of
supernatural agents that people would mainly
talk about, and which could complement and
expand any local set of words for ‘monster’.
On the other hand, the name of the main god in
Northeast Proto-Sámi seems to have continuity
from a linguistic-cultural group that underwent
a language shift, which is counter-evidence to
religion spreading with the language. Such
gaps in lexical evidence are part
of the context
in which Common Proto-Sámi words like (14)
*noajtē [‘shaman’] or (8)
*kālmē [‘grave’]
must be considered.
Implications
A significant amount of information about the
history of Sámi languages is encoded in the
empirical data of the languages themselves.
Proto-Sámi’s intensive contacts with both
North Germanic or Scandinavian languages
and Palaeo-European languages of Lapland
concentrate in the period ca. AD 200–500. The
Late Proto-Finnic loans related to burial and
‘souls’ (or at least
*heaŋke̮ [‘breath, spirit’])
seem most likely to have entered Proto-Sámi in
conjunction with a process of changing
practices and understandings of vernacular
physiology rather than the words being
borrowed independently of one another and
their semantic grouping being coincidental. It
was proposed above that the assimilation of
terms most probably occurred prior to, or at an
early phase of, Proto-Sámi’s spread, when the
speech community or network was still
relatively unified. If
this is accepted,
it implies
that Proto-Sámi had not spread from southern
Finland and Karelia before these loans, which
can be dated to around or after AD 200
according to the phonetic shapes of
*hāvtē
[‘grave’] and
*heaŋke̮. Although this does not
indicate that practices and understandings
linked to the words spread to the Kola and
Scandinavian Peninsulas, it suggests a
terminus post quem of ca. the 3
rd
century AD
for Proto-Sámi’s spread through Finland and
Karelia. This dating is complementary to the
3
rd
century AD as a
terminus post quem for
intense contacts with both Proto-Scandinavian
and indigenous languages of Lapland. When
evidence of the Great Sámi Vowel Shift suggests
Proto-Sámi was initially spoken by a relatively
small speech community, the geographical
reach of this language seems to have exploded
over a relatively short period of time.
The extent of vocabulary exchange in the
Proto-Sámi language network (at least at its
geographical peripheries of Scandinavia and
Lapland) indicates the role of this language in
communication across extended networks. The
fact that loans included core vocabulary
suggests that trans-community intelligibility
across the full area was
sufficiently significant
that all vocabulary was open to negotiation, at
least for some period of time. Nevertheless,
there seems to be a general lack of linguistic
evidence for a common religion and mythology
shared across this network, even if there were
shared nominal categories like ‘shaman’ and
‘sacred’.