61
hand, Finno-Karelians, among whom this
conception was prominent, were active in trade
networks to the north in the Middle Ages and
some immigrated into Lapland during that
period. Proto-Sámi speakers could have
adopted the concept through contacts with
them. It is thus necessary to apply K.B.
Wiklund’s (1916: 46) dictum that “one must
here first and foremost seek to determine the
source’s geographical provenance,” and
combine it with a critical comparative method.
When Sámi languages are potentially spoken
by multiple cultures that at some point began
speaking Proto-Sámi language, generalizations
of ‘(pan-)Sámi religion’ become highly
problematic. Comparisons to Old Norse (e.g.
Price 2002; Tolley 2009) or Finno-Karelian
(e.g. Frog 2013) traditions require cautious
assessment of ‘which’ Sámi religion formation
is being considered or whether comparison is
made with features found across religion
formations. Proposing cross-cultural isoglosses
of elements of ritual (Tolley 2009 I: 260) or
mythology (Frog 2011) should similarly be
more nuanced than they have been in the past.
Propositions of influences on, or received
from, ‘Sámi’ traditions (e.g. Unwerth 1911;
Strömbäck 2000 [1935]) should also consider
whether parallels might reflect an indigenous
culture behind these impacts.
If language shifts to Proto-Sámi allowed
continuities of indigenous religions and ritual
technologies, this could potentially shed light
on the variations that seem to set ‘Sámi
shamanism’ apart from other forms of classic
shamanism. These variations have otherwise
been interpreted as the
result of a deterioration
or breakdown in an inherited form of the
tradition.
47
The concept of ‘shamanism’ has
been flexed in scientific and
popular discourse
to include phenomena on a global scale (e.g.
Eliade 2004 [1964]), with the result that the
label ‘shaman’ often seems more evaluative
than informative (see also Rydving 2011).
Central and Northern Eurasian or ‘classic’
shamanism (Siikala 1978)
is a more specific if
still broad areal phenomenon found across
languages and cultures. It is not a religion;
classic shamanism refers to a complex of
features linked to ritual technologies, practices,
conceptions of the body, relations of the
specialist to agents and forces in the unseen
world, cosmological structures and so forth
(see e.g. Vajda 1958). This complex has
evolved historically and exhibits numerous
culture-specific manifestations. Comaprable
elements in compared traditions may thus be
equivalent rather than identical.
A distinctive development of classic
shamanism is the centralization of power and
authority to mediate with the unseen world in
the person of the shaman. One manifestation of
this development is the so-called ‘cult of
shamans’, whereby shamans could be elevated
to the status of guardian spirits or gods
(Hultkrantz 1995 [1993]: 149–151). The history
of this development is unclear. The broader
form of shamanism in which it emerged is
considered to be rooted in small hunting
societies and is generally accepted as having
roots going back to the Palaeolithic period.
Some form of classic shamanism is commonly
inferred as part of an Uralic heritage.
48
In either
case it is inferred as probable for Pre-Sámi
culture. On the other hand, the features that set
apart forms of shamanism found among Sámi
groups have been considered potentially more
archaic from a broad comparative perspective.
For example, the evidence can give the
impression that “there was no proper
boundary-line between the shamans and the
laity” (Hultkrantz 1992: 140): men who were
not formally shamans could use the drum; Sám
shamans lack formal costuming; and everyone
is imagined to have helping spirits rather than
such supernatural support being exclusive to
the shaman (Hultkrantz 1987; 1992).
49
Northern
Fennoscandia and the Scandinavian Peninsula
are at the geographical periphery of the area of
classic shamanism. It is therefore open to
question whether the practices of indigenous
groups in these territories
were affected by the
developments of classic shamanism. Interpreting
of features of Sámi shamanism as more archaic
than developments in classic shamanism
would be anachronous if this shamanism is
presumed to have an Uralic heritage. However,
the same features would be reasonable for
Palaeo-European groups of Lapland who
began speaking Proto-Sámi language but
retained their established structures of religion.
By reconsidering the relationship between
Sámi language and religion, old riddles like
these can be approached in new ways.
62
This model also has another side that should
not be overlooked. If Proto-Sámi spread without
a full package of culture, it would presumably
only be equipped for a limited range of
linguistic behaviours and activities. Languages
are not uniform, monolithic entities; they are
constituted of multitudes of registers, each
linked to repeatable practices and recurrent
social situations (e.g. Halliday 1978; Agha
2007). Among the relatively small speech
communities of mobile hunting and fishing
cultures, multilingualism can be expected as a
norm (e.g. Saarikivi & Lavento 2012). If
Proto-Sámi spread centrally as a medium of
communication leading it to become
de facto a
lingua franca, it would most likely coexist
with the registers in local languages used for
ritual, epic, entertainment and so forth. Local
language shifts would lead this distribution of
communicative labour to break down. Different
practices would require the formation of
metrical or functional Proto-Sámi equivalents
or they would simply not survive the
changing
of generations as the old language became
opaque (cf. Nenets epic performed in Komi
motivated by language shift: Konakov et al.
2003: 65–66). There is no evidence of an epic
poetry tradition in any Sámi language
50
nor of
a principle Proto-Sámi oral meter, nor even of
a shared Proto-Sámi poetic system. Proto-Sámi
seems to have had vocabulary for varieties of
oral performance behaviours, including
*vuolē
addressed above,
*lāvlō (
lávlut) [‘to sing’]
(§578) (borrowed from Proto-Finnic, ~ Fi.
laulaa [‘to sing’]) and
*juojke
̮ - (
juoigat) [‘to
yoik’] (§288) (etymology uncertain, as is its
relationship to North Finnic cognates, ~ Fi.
joikua [‘to yoik’]).
51
The verb
*juojke
̮ - seems
to designate a distinctive category and could
reflect a practice that spread with Proto-Sámi
language. Nevertheless, the word (and practice)
could also have spread later, potentially in
response to gaps left in verbal art following
language shifts.
The question of registers
of language might
seem tangential, yet registers of verbal art
associated with ritual practices and essential
cultural knowledge become interfaced with
different areas of vernacular mythology (see
Frog 2015: 47–50).
52
If Proto-Sámi did not
spread with such registers, it is unlikely to have
spread with a ‘Proto-Sámi mythology’ and
‘Proto-Sámi religion’. At the same time,
language shifts to Proto-Sámi would entail a
discontinuity of such indigenous registers.
Thus,
language
shifts
would
produce
significant disruptions and transformations in
the communication of orally transmitted
knowledge within these groups.
Rethinking Assumptions
If Proto-Sámi may have spread primarily as a
medium of communication, then a Common
Proto-Sámi culture as social semiotic cannot
be taken as a given: it must be tested and
critically reassessed. The preceding discussion
has argued grounds for the theory that Proto-
Sámi spread as a medium of communication.
Focus was on the rate and geographical scope
of language spread in relation to the lack of
internal linguistic evidence that language
spread with corollary religious practices and
mythology.
The
arguments
have
not
demonstrated that no complex religious system
accompanied the spread of Proto-Sámi
language, nor was that the aim. The aim was to
problematize
the
fundamental
research
assumption that Proto-Sámi language spread in
conjunction with a full
complex of culture and
ethnic identity. The theory outlined here
presents an alternative model that appears to
reasonably account for the data. It can now be
further explored and tested against a wider
range of evidence. It may eventually be found
that Proto-Sámi did spread with a significant
package of culture, of which a *
siejtē tradition
was only one element, On the other hand, the
theonym
*Tiermēs indicates, at the very least,
religious creolization. The review of evidence
here illustrates that imaging that Proto-Sámi
spread ‘with culture’ or ‘without culture’
easily inclines to binary extremes of either/or
whereas the reality – whatever it may have
been – was most likely somewhere in between.
Acknowledgements: I would like to thank Juha Kuokkala
and Sampsa P. Holopainen for their insightful
comments and suggestions. Their detailed attention to
features of Proto-Sámi reconstruction and orthography
have greatly helped to strengthen this paper. I would
also like to thank Kendra Willson for her views on a
number of significant details.
Frog (mr.frog[at]helsinki.fi) Folklore Studies /
Department of Philosophy, History, Culture and Art
Studies, PL 59 (Unioninkatu 38 B 230), 00014
University of Helsinki, Finland.