96
routinely replace the spellings of these post-
medieval manuscripts with ON ones.
9. A peculiar case is 2.5 markv
7
þr where no epenthetic -u-
is spelled out (cf. 3.3 gődlÿndúr in an identical
grammatical role and in identical metrical position).
10. Although the discussion is beyond the scope of this
paper, it is important to point out that it is not at all
clear whether the syllables called ‘long’ in MI and
syllables counted as ‘long’ in ON dróttkvætt rely on
the same concept of ‘length’, and, if not, whether
these ‘lengths’ are comparable (Kristjan Árnason
1980: 203–216).
11. As a matter of exception, some complete lines of
ljóðaháttr have a monosyllabic close or, as a matter
of extremely rare exception, the dróttkvætt type of
close, i.e. in the form of long disyllable (Sievers
1893: 84, §57.4).
12. Some complete lines of ljóðaháttr, as a matter of
exception, have only two lifts (Sievers 1893: 89,
§57.8).
13.
As contrasted with the end of the long line of Old
English metre and ON fornyrðislag, which
consistently lack marking and have, consquently,
weak ends.
14.
For a more detailed discussion of this issue in
classical dróttkvætt, see Smirnitskaya 1994: 380–
383, ch. 7, §5.
15.
In such exceptional cases this syllable is the single
one of a single-syllable separate word that is not part
of the compound crossing into the close. Also, it can
only happen in odd lines, as in this odd line from yet
another stanza by Hávarðr (Skj B-1, 180‒6‒3): hvatr
frák at brá bitrum (cf. stanza 4 below). This issue is
discussed in some detail in a paper by Willaim
Craigie (1900: see esp. 356–359 for the limited
number of examples). Craigie also mentions (1900:
361), without discussing, three examples of proper
dróttkvætt lines (out of many thousands) that violate
even this codified exception, i.e. they feature a
compound crossing into the close that has a single-
syllable first element marked by alliteration.
However, in all such cases this syllable double-
alliterates with the close, i.e. they all feature that
metrical rarity, a compound noun with internal
double alliteration (not infrequent in general
language, but studiously avoided in poetry). It is also
telling that two of these three examples are, again,
from Snorri Sturluson’s experimental Háttatal, and
only one, coined by Bjǫrn Hitdælakappi (Skj B-1,
282–23), is from a ‘common’ source. The present
authors, on scanning the entirety of Skj, have found
only two additionals lines not mentioned by Craigie,
both
by
the
10
th
-century
skald
Kormákr
Ǫgmundarson, and both involving the same
compound Tin-teini (Skj B-1, 78–38, 81–49). Such is
the rarity of this deviant phenomenon.
16.
Cf. the following even line from another stanza by
Hávarðr (Skj B-1, 180‒7‒8): ímgjarna Þór-bjarnar:
Þór-bjarnar phonetically and morphologically
matches hylt-ingum and ó-deiga but the element Þór
is not marked by any sound repetition tools, with the
alliteration falling on ím- for vowel alliteration with
the preceding line and -bjarnar stem-rhyming with
-gjarna.
17.
On similar rhyming features in wider Icelandic
poetry, see Jón Axel Harðarson 2007.
18.
Egill’s coinage is a kenning hapax legomenon.
Kennings for
SUMMER
do not exist; what we do have
are kennings for
WINTER
with the kenning-model of
‘death of snakes’ (e.g. naðrs [n.masc.gen.sg. of naðr
‘viper, snake’] ógn [n.fem.nom.sg. ‘dread, terror,
menace’], HT 83). So Egill coins a one-off kenning
mirror antonym, replacing ‘death’ with ‘mercy’.
This process is a good illustration of how new
kenning models for new referents were generated
and parsed (Egill’s coinage is only parseable thanks
to the existence of the regular ‘death of snakes’
kenning-model). This one-off model, however, did
not stick – we find only two later coinages with
miskunn, both probably stemming from Egill’s
unique coinage as the absense of variation in their
basewords implies.
19.
E.g. at gusti geirs [‘in the gust of the spear’ = battle]
in the anonymous Óláfs drápa Tryggvasonar 17.4:
hæstr varð geirs at gusti; cf. í drífu vífs Mistar [‘in
the snowstorm of the woman of Mist (a valkyrie)’ =
battle] in Guthormr sindri’s Hákonardrápa 1.4:
Mistar vífs í drífu.
20.
The interpretation of her-jǫfurr as a kenning for
prince would be anomalous for classical diction:
jǫfurr is rare as a baseword for such kennings, most
often used alone as laudatory epithet, while herr,
though fitting the semantic requirements of a
determinant of such kennings, is never used as one
(Meissner 1921: 354).
21.
The only way to keep the original vegu is to assume
it is gen. sg. of Vega, the proper name of the star in
the constellation Lyra. This would be, as far as we
know, a unique appearance of this star’s name in
Icelandic poetry. Such a word, similarly to máni
[‘moon’], can act as a heiti for fire in kennings for
gold coined following the model of ‘fire of water’;
we can get water if we assume that the manuscript’s
űðar stands for unnar, gen. sg. of unnr [‘wave’]. The
alternation between forms in -unnr and in -uðr is
attested in ON and particularly for this word (OR:
380), but we still have to emend the double acute
accent, signifying a long vowel, to short one. If so,
we get a three-stem extended kenning for woman
with inverted stem order, unnar Vega tróð [‘the
faggot of the star of the wave’ → ‘faggot of
GOLD
’
→
WOMAN
’].
22.
On the attempt very rich and powerful Icelanders of
the Sturlunga Age to have retainers, see (Byock
2001: 345).
23.
Þá mælti konungr: “Þess vil ek biðja þik, Kjartan, at
þú haldir vel trú þína” [‘Then the king said: “This I
will ask of you, Kjartan, that you remain steadfast in
your faith”’] (Laxdæla 43).
24.
LP (s.v. ‘darr’) attests only one case of its use as a
determinant in a warrior kenning.
25.
According to ClVig (s.v.), berask [‘to be seen’] is the
result of conflation with the homonymous weak verb
bera [‘to make naked, to bare’].
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