particularly in south-western Germany.
With the death of Frederick II’s son Conrad in 1254, the Hohenstaufen line
of German kings came to an end. Following an interregnum, in 1273 the
Habsburg family became rulers of Austria, Styria and Carniola, a position they
remarkably retained until 1918. From 1438, there was an almost continuous
succession of Habsburg Emperors until the end of the Holy Roman Empire in
1806. There was a partial recentralisation of Imperial power under the initial
Habsburg Emperors, Rudolf (1273–91) and his son Albert I (1298–1308). But
the constitutional reforms which recognised the political realities within the
Empire, and had a stabilising effect for around four hundred years, came with the
reign of Charles IV. Detailed regulations for the conduct of elections to the
monarchy by seven electoral princes were formulated in the Golden Bull of
1356, enacted at Nuremberg by Emperor Charles IV (1346–78). He laid the
foundations for certain constitutional continuities lasting until 1806, as well as
being notable for his Imperial court and castles in and near his native city of
Prague (such as Karlstein Castle) and his foundation of Prague University in
1348. From the late fourteenth and early fifteenth century it became increasingly
clear that Imperial powers were declining in comparison with princely territorial
powers. By the end of the fifteenth century, there were essentially two tiers to
German politics: there were the Imperial assemblies, or Diets (
Reichstage
)
attended by Emperor, princes, heads of ecclesiastical territories, independent
knights and representatives of imperial towns, for the overall federal discussion
of issues affecting the Empire; and within local territories, there were territorial
assemblies in which the prince met with representatives of (usually) the
privileged classes in a co-operative form of joint rulership later termed a
Ständestaat
. These territorial diets (
Landtage
) were particularly important in
gaining the co-operation of influential groups in assenting to and raising taxes.
Government in towns was generally by an oligarchic town council.
By 1500, the political map of what was by now regularly termed the ‘Holy
Roman Empire of the German Nation’ was exceedingly complex, a patchwork of
dynastic and ecclesiastical territories dotted with Imperial free cities and the
castles of independent Imperial knights. There were seven electoral
principalities, around twenty-five major secular principalities and ninety
ecclesiastical ones, over a hundred countships, a very large number of lesser
lordships, as well as the towns. As Du Boulay has put it, ‘late mediaeval
Germany was a sea of political fragments in which some large pieces floated’.
This fragmented collection was loosely held together by the wider protection of
the Empire. Yet the Emperor was concerned not purely with rule over the
territories within the Empire: his strength derived largely from his own dynastic
possessions. Habsburg dominions stretched from the Low Countries, which they
had acquired by marriage in 1479, to interests in Aragon, Castile, Italy (Naples
and Sicily) and Burgundy, to which Charles V (1519–56) was heir. Their
horizons and activities from the late fifteenth century were European, rather than
purely Imperial; this was to prove not only a strength, but also a potential source
of weakness, for Imperial power.
Later mediaeval Germany saw key shifts in cultural and intellectual life. The
chivalric literature of the high middle ages was enriched, and soon
overshadowed, by literary productions associated with the growth of urban life,
as illustrated by the replacement of the knightly Minnesinger by the more urban
‘master-singers’. (The best known of these was the sixteenth-century cobbler
from Nuremberg, Hans Sachs.) The predominant German dialect shifted around
the middle of the fourteenth century into what is known as Early New High
German. Law began to be codified, as with the early record of Saxon customary
law in the
Sachsenspiegel
of the early thirteenth century; later, Roman law was
revived, constituting an important difference between German law and the
English common law system. A number of universities which are still renowned
centres of scholarship were founded in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries: not
only Prague, but also the universities of Vienna (1365), Heidelberg (1386),
Leipzig (1409), Tübingen (1477) and Wittenberg (1502). The language of
learning continued to be Latin, but a vernacular prose was developing, and a new
class of professional bureaucrats, lawyers and secular scholars was growing
alongside the old clerical intelligentsia of the church. German humanism tended
to be anti-clerical and anti-papal in orientation, and sought to set the Bible in
historical context.
The church itself retained its prominent status, politically and economically
as well as intellectually and culturally. The aristocratic prince-bishops were
major magnates in their own right, and ecclesiastical rule could be even more
oppressive for common people than rule by a secular lord, since double penalties
could be imposed (under ecclesiastical as well as secular law). But ‘the church’
and ‘religion’ cannot be understood as a simple monolithic entity, untouched by
internal dissensions. Relations with the papacy were never free from tensions;
and the papacy had itself been in political difficulties since the high middle ages
(including ‘Babylonish captivity’ in Avignon in a period of French domination).
The relative roles of Pope and General Councils gave rise to a controversy in
which the ‘conciliarists’, who claimed that General Councils were superior to
Popes, were ultimately defeated. It is also too simplistic to counterpose a secular
humanism to a priestly scholasticism in the later middle ages. Individuals such
as Gabriel Biel sought new religious initiatives, and currents of piety such as the
devotio moderna
(which focussed on the inner life and sought salvation in flight
from the world) have been seen as contributing to the subsequent Reformation.
There was also a range of more heretical traditions: the followers of John Hus (c.
1369–1415), known as Hussites, in Bohemia, the Waldensians in Bohemia in the
fourteenth century and the Alpine valleys in the late fifteenth century, and an ill-
defined loosely floating set of dissenting ideas. Popular religion was probably
only minimally affected by theological and scholastic controversies. Historians
are only beginning to piece together the likely religious experiences and
practices of the non-literate majority of the population, and there is some debate
about the degree to which they were ‘Christianised’ at all. But it is clear that
there was a high component of magic involved in late mediaeval popular
religion, in an attempt to assert control over an unpredictable and largely hostile
natural and human environment. This magical element was incorporated into
Christian practices by the late mediaeval church, with its emphasis on ritual and
outward forms. A very lively fear of the after-life was promoted by vivid murals
depicting the devils and flames of hell, and sustained by the omnipresence of
death, the reality of which is symbolised in the drawings and engravings of the
Nuremberg artist Albrecht Dürer. Concern for the after-life ensured particular
interest in the church’s control over salvation, which could be achieved through
the performance of good works – including the donation of money to church
coffers. Life in the later middle ages, as half a millennium earlier, remained for
most people nasty, brutish and short. Religion and magic provided a set of
powerful, almost indistinguishable, means of interpreting and attempting to
control the experiences of life. At the same time, the official representatives of
the institutional church, the clergy, could be the object of considerable hostility
and criticism.
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