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“In the economy of a nation, advantages and evils always balance one another (il
bene ed il male economico in una nazione sempre all, istessa misura): the
abundance of wealth with some people, is always equal to the want of it with
others (la copia dei beni in alcuni sempre eguale alia mancanza di essi in altri): the
great riches of a small number are always accompanied by the absolute privation
of the first necessaries of life for many others. The wealth of a nation corresponds
with its population, and its misery corresponds with its wealth. Diligence in some
compels idleness in others. The poor and idle are a necessary consequence of the
rich and active,” &c.
26
In a thoroughly brutal way about 10 years after Ortes, the Church of England parson, Townsend,
glorified misery as a necessary condition of wealth.
“Legal constraint (to labour) is attended with too much trouble, violence, and
noise, whereas hunger is not only a peaceable, silent, unremitted pressure, but as
the most natural motive to industry and labour, it calls forth the most powerful
exertions.”
Everything therefore depends upon making hunger permanent among the working class, and for
this, according to Townsend, the principle of population, especially active among the poor,
provides.
“It seems to be a law of Nature that the poor should be to a certain degree
improvident” [i.e., so improvident as to be born without a silver spoon in the
mouth], “that there may always be some to fulfil the most servile, the most sordid,
and the most ignoble offices in the community. The stock of human happiness is
thereby much increased, whilst the more delicate are not only relieved from
drudgery ... but are left at liberty without interruption to pursue those callings
which are suited to their various dispositions ... it” [the Poor Law] “tends to
destroy the harmony and beauty, the symmetry and order of that system which
God and Nature have established in the world.”
27
If the Venetian monk found in
the fatal destiny that makes misery eternal, the
raison d’être of Christian charity,
celibacy, monasteries and holy houses, the Protestant prebendary finds in it a
pretext for condemning the laws in virtue of which the poor possessed a right to a
miserable public relief.
“The progress of social wealth,” says Storch, “begets this useful class of society ...
which performs the most wearisome, the vilest, the most disgusting functions,
which takes, in a word, on its shoulders all that is disagreeable and servile in life,
and procures thus for other classes leisure, serenity of mind and conventional”
[c’est bon!] “dignity of character.”
28
Storch asks himself in what then really consists the progress of this capitalistic civilisation with
its misery and its degradation of the masses, as compared with barbarism. He finds but one
answer: security!
“Thanks to the advance of industry and science,” says Sismondi, “every labourer
can produce every day much more than his consumption requires. But at the same
time, whilst his labour produces wealth, that wealth would, were he called on to
consume it himself, make him less fit for labour.” According to him, “men” [i.e.,
non-workers] “would probably prefer to do without all artistic perfection, and all
the enjoyments that manufacturers procure for us, if it were necessary that all
should buy them by constant toil like that of the labourer.... Exertion today is
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separated from its recompense; it is not the same man that first works, and then
reposes; but it is because the one works that the other rests.... The indefinite
multiplication of the productive powers of labour can then only have for result the
increase of luxury and enjoyment of the idle rich.”
29
Finally Destutt de Tracy, the fish-blooded bourgeois doctrinaire, blurts out brutally:
“In poor nations the people are comfortable, in rich nations they are generally
poor.”
30
Section 5: Illustrations of the General Law of Capitalist
Accumulation
A. England from 1846-1866
No period of modern society is so favourable for the study of capitalist accumulation as the
period of the last 20 years. It is as if this period had found Fortunatus’ purse. But of all countries
England again furnishes the classical example, because it holds the foremost place in the world-
market, because capitalist production is here alone completely developed, and lastly, because the
introduction of the Free-trade millennium since 1846 has cut off the last retreat of vulgar
economy. The titanic advance of production – the latter half of the 20 years’ period again far
surpassing the former – has been already pointed out sufficiently in Part IV.
Although the absolute increase of the English population in the last half century was very great,
the relative increase or rate of growth fell constantly, as the following table borrowed from the
census shows.
Annual increase per cent. of the population of England and Wales in decimal numbers:
1811-1821 1.533 per cent.
1821-1831 1.446 per cent.
1831-1841 1.326 per cent.
1841-1851 1.216 per cent.
1851-1861 1.141 per cent.
Let us now, on the other hand, consider the increase of wealth. Here the movement of profit, rent
of land, &c., that come under the income tax, furnishes the surest basis. The increase of profits
liable to income tax (farmers and some other categories not included) in Great Britain from 1853
to 1864 amounted to 50.47% or 4.58% as the annual average,
31
that of the population during the
same period to about 12%. The augmentation of the rent of land subject to taxation (including
houses, railways, mines, fisheries, &c.), amounted for 1853 to 1864 to 38% or 3 5/12% annually.
Under this head the following categories show the greatest increase:
Excess of annual income
of 1864 over that of 1853
Increase
per year
Houses
38.60%
3.50%
Quarries
84.76%
7.70%
Mines
68.85%
6.26%
Ironworks
39.92%
3.63%
Fisheries
57.37%
5.21%